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CHJUiXOl'UKli CuLUAiBUCi. 



HISTORIC AND PICTURESQUE 



Exploration, Discovery ^ Conquest 

OF 

THE NEW WORLD 

CONTAINING 

THE THRILLING ADVENTURES 

OF 

CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS, AMERICUS VESPUCIUS, 
JOHN AND SEBASTIAN CABOT, ETC. 

DESCRIBING THEIR VOYAGES IN UNKNOWN SEAS, ENCOUNTERS 

WITH TERRIBLE STORMS AND SHIPWRECKS, DISCOVERY OF 

STRANGE LANDS, CURIOUS PEOPLE AND RICH MINES ; THEIR 

DESPERATE COMBATS WITH SAVAGES AND WILD BEASTS, 

STRUGGLES WITH MUTINOUS CREWS, WANDERINGS 

IN SWAMPS AND FORESTS, UNVEILING THE 

GLORIES OF THE NEW WORLD TO THE 

ASTONISHED GAZE OF ALL NATIONS, ETC. 

By D. IVL. KKLSEY 

The WeII=known Historian 

Author of " Pioneer Heroes," "Stanley and the White Heroes in Africa," Etc. 

WITH AN INTRODUCTION 

BY HOIST. MURAT HALSTEAD 

Most Renowned Journalist and Columbian Student 



Embellished with a Great Many Historical Illustrations by 
the Best English and American Artists. 






ENTERED ACCORDING TO ACT OF CONGRESS IN THE YEAR 1810, BY 

GEO. W. BERTRON 

/HE OFFICE OF THE LIBRARIAN OF CONGRESS, AT WASHINGTON, D. C, ■• 



(gCI.A2654l6 




PREFACE. 

F all studies, that of History is one of the most important 
and interesting. It satisfies a natural and laudable curi- 
osity as to what has taken place in the world, and makes 
some amends for the shortness of life by enabling us to live over, 
in thought, the days and scenes of the past, and to know, as by 
a second experience, the life and labors of those who have gone 
before us. 

So strong and universal is the desire to know about the times 
that are gone, as to their persons, events and progressive changes, 
that it may almost be called an instinct of the soul. And as 
Cicero says : " Not to know what has taken place in former 
times is to be always a child, for if no use is made of the labors 
of by-gone ages, the world must always remain in the infancy of 
knowledge." 

In the following pages it has been the aim of the writer to give 
a history of the discovery and earliest explorations of the New World. 
In these biographies, as found in the original form, there is much 
that is of little interest to the general reader ; and much of scientific 
importance, that is difficult to understand by those who have not a 
close acquaintance with the mysteries of seamanship and astronomi- 
cal observation. All these points have been condensed and written 
in such familiar language that no difficulty will be experienced, even 
by boys and girls who might otherwise be repelled by the appearance 
of difficulty. 

The original authorities have been consulted wherever practi- 
cable. A constant effort has been made to retain as much individual 
interest as possible ; and reference to the authorities from which this 
work has been gathered would only encumber the book without add- 
ing to its value ; for in many cases the materials for a single chapter 
have been collected from many and various sources, and woven 
laboriously into a single whole. 




INTRODUCTION. 





HE first chapter of this volume is a charming compilation 
of the legends of the discoveries of North America 
before the famous voyage of Columbus, in which the 
trade winds wafted his ships to the West Indies. The 
testimony seems so clear that it would be eccentric to 
declare strenuously against the conclusion upon cir- 
cumstancial evidence, that the Northmen repeatedly visited Green- 
land and were acquainted with Newfoundland, Nantucket, Long 
Island, and perhaps Rhode Island. 

There are traditions in Iceland that corroborate the legendary 
stories of the adventurous Northmen, and they add that Columbus 
visited Iceland fourteen years before he immortalized himself as the 
discoverer of the "new world." It is a part of the story of Colum- 
bus in Iceland that he became intimately acquainted with the antique 
lore of that American island. It is worth while to remember that 
the westward capes of Iceland are less than three hundred miles from 
Greenland, while the eastern capes are between nine hundred and a 
thousand miles from Norway. 

It is a plain proposition that in the course of the centuries the 
capital of Iceland was settled in 874. The writer visited that island 
one thousand years later, with Cyrus Field, Dr. I. I. Hayes, Bayard 
Taylor, Professors Magnusson and Kneeland and Mr. Henry Glad- 
stone, who imported a pony to Hawarden. The founding of the city 
was five hundred and eighteen years before the Columbus discovery. 
If it be true that Colum^ as visited Iceland fourteen years before he 
found the West Indies —the year of his visit was 1478 and Rej^k- 
javeek had then bee' . founded more than five hundred years, within 
easy sail in three or four days of Greenland. The people were largely 
competent navigators with sea-going craft, and the land westward 
could not have been unfamiliar to them. 



IX 



X INTRODUCTION. 

There was nothing strange or doubtful in using a fact made known 
freely that there was land in the West. It does not reduce the 
splendor of the achievement of Columbus that he heard the story. 
He made use of it. He found in the presence of land in the West 
a corroboration of his dreams, that gave a footing to his fancy. 

The Icelandic tradition is that a Bishop was maintained for a 
long time in Iceland, and that a gorge of ice massed on the coast 
that lasted forty years, and then there was only desolate silence. 

After the " Decline and Fall " of the Roman Empire, Northern 
Italy was celebrated for commercial supremacy, glories in art and 
cities of special splendors and power ; and for immortal authors, 
artists in literature, sculpture, architecture and painting. Rome 
remained when the Empire crumbled into mighty fragments, " The 
Eternal City ; " and though there was an Eastern Empire and a rival 
capital — Constantinople — to divide the immense inheritance, the 
swarms of Asiatic conquerors came after the capture of the Oriental 
metropolis and converted the magnificent dominant church, St. 
Sophia, into a veritable and memorable mosque — a citadel of Moham- 
med in Christendom ; and the m3^riads of Mohammedans seeking 
Paradise swept over Southern Spain, first bafiled at Vienna and av 
last beaten on the central plains of France, at Chalons. 

Unlike Alexander, when his legions marched to India and he grew 
weary of conquest and carousal, Rome encountered other uncon- 
quered worlds, and found material occupation in crusades and 
cathedrals and the marvelous organizations of the then new, now old 
Church of Rome. 

Naples survived the eruptions of Vesuvius, and the irruption of 
the barbarians from the heart of Europe, remained the Queen City 
of the Italian South, when Carthage, like T3^re, was buried in her 
own ruins. Rome and Greece, however, taught the new nations 
rising on the wiugs of stately ships, over the antiquities of Egypt, 
to open the road to India ; and opulent tradesmen, guided b}- those 
who lived in the shadows of the Alps, the lagoons of the Adriatic, 
the pleasant river Arno and the shores of the bright central waters 
of the Mediterranean, gave the sunny historic lands a larger life. 

When Rome was no longer the imperial throne of the world, the 



INTRODUCTION. xi 

camels, called cleverly the " ships of the deserts " in Africa, gave way 
to the fleets that represented world-wide sea powers, and gathered the 
golden harvest between the ends of the earth. 

The representative and commanding cities of the revival of civili- 
zation, when the sword of old Rome ceased to devour, and the later 
and fairer forms of progress became manifest, were four — Venice, 
Genoa, Pisa and Florence. Venice, the bride of the sea, was first in 
the illustrious capitals that became nations. Florence lacked the 
embrace of the sea to inspire her to be the home of wide dominion, and 
became the glorious city of the Beautiful, the star of the Appenines. 

Pisa was the rival of Genoa, as Genoa of Venice ; but was long 
lived and strong enough to be of the leaders of the Crusaders, and 
carried home from Palestine forty ship loads of the precious hills 
around Jerusalem, to heap her Campo Santo with sacred soil, and to 
this end disfigured, with the scars of excavation the landscapes over- 
looking Solomon's temple, the scene of the Cross of Christ ; and the 
sepulchre from the door of which the stone rolled away. 

When we remember the fleet of Pisa, laden with soil touched by 
the Saviour's feet to make holy a graveyard in Italy, we meet the 
thought that after all a higher intelligence could declare that 
skepticism of the " relics " ridiculed by unbelievers in mysteries, 
might reasonably be relaxed, in view of the stranger things we know 
have happened ; and that, as we see in these days, miracles of 
science we need not deny the existence of memorials of Christian- 
ity though obscured in detail by savagery in the gloom of the 
desolation that overtook the conquests, won in the sign of the cross, 
when the sword and torch of Mohammed prevailed and gave the 
memorials of Christians to graves and dust heaps. The Crusaders, 
the Greek Emperors, and the stately Italian cities, gathered a harvest 
with their armies of historical relics in the Holy Lands. 

Christopher Columbus is not believed by the people of Genoa to 
have been born in that city. The testimony, so far as we may use 
the word, where enlightenment compels the existence of uncertainty, 
is that the great navigator was born in a village on the shores of the 
Gulf of Genoa, north of the city and near the sea, in the midst of 
quarries that yielded red stone. 



xii INTRODUCTION. 

The exact location of the house that is loosel}- called the birthplace 
of Columbus, is uot known, but there is interesting truth. There is 
evidence that a house identified with the Columbus famil}^ was the 
propert}^ of his father, and the home of the child who gave the name 
distinction. The house bears marks, not recent, that it has been 
changed since the boy Christopher was of the humble home 
household. It has been dul}- photographed, after the examination 
of records, proving it the habitation of the Columbus family. It is 
on the south side of a steep and narrow street, running from the 
harbor to the hills. On one side, when the writer found it, was a 
wine shop, and on the other a tobacco shop. 

The present appearances are that the original house has been 
reconstructed, so far as the front is concerned, into two houses. The 
one the father of Columbus, the discoverer, lived in, is that on the 
left of the building as presented in engravings. The form of the 
windows, and the narrowness of each of the structures as they stand 
invite this theory. Legal documents exist proving the Columbus 
folk lived in this place for several generations, including the 
time of the birth of the man child of high destin3\ 

There is a photograph of the house taken by an iVmerican consul, 
who investigated the neighborhood and also the official pigeon holes 
that seemed to speak of the receptacles of man}^ secrets ; but the 
only fact discovered was that the '* house of Columbus " was the 
property and home of the people of which, in that place, Christopher 
Columbus was one of the children, and that it was for several 
generations the dwelling place of those who derived title from the 
navigator's father. There was not, in or near the grim place, a good 
pla}^ ground for the 3'oungsters, and it has the appearance of a 
promise that it will remain unchanged for the centuries to come, as 
during like periods in the past. 

When Columbus made the discovery identified with his name, the 
spirit of adventure was abroad in the world, and the art of navigation 
improving so rapidly that evidentl}' the appointed time was close at 
hand, for the revelation of the gigantic continents connected b}- a 
narrow but rugged isthmus, awaiting explorers to be announced as 
the new world. 



INTRODUCTION. xiii 

Clearly, Columbus was a man of extraordinary breadth of informa- 
tion and strength of character. He had deep convictions that there 
was land in the West. He knew substantially the shape of the 
world, the fact that it sloped off toward the poles, and that the farther 
North one sailed, the narrower were the seas measured East and 
West, and the longer and colder the winters grew. He knew the 
Atlantic ocean broadened southward, and had read of the far East of 
Asia. Cipango and Cathay were Japan and China. 

The travels and writings of them by Marco Polo, kindled the 
imagination of the hardy Genoese sailor, destined to the delivery of 
the stroke of an enchanter's wand, that prepared the way for other 
and broader discoveries, among them the realization of the magnitude 
of the globe. 

Dreamer that he was, Columbus never dreamed that the earth was 
great as appeared when the impulse given by his voyages led in a few 
years comparatively to the completion of circumnavigation of the 
globe. The first ship that sailed around the earth was that carrying 
the flag of Magellan's squadron. The ship returned, the last of the 
fleet, with its captain, but the commander in chief of the squadron 
was slain in attempting to conquer a beautiful island of the subse- 
quentl}^ named Phillippine archipelago. He fought to force the 
inhabitants to become the subjects of a Christian king, and was 
killed in the fight. 

When the flag ship arrived on the return to Africa, through the 
straits of Magellan, a day had been lost in the reckoning, but the 
demonstration was made that the world was round. 

Columbus had letters for the Mikado of the age, the Great Kahn 
imperial house of Japan had then been in power more than two 
thousand years. The enormous error had been made by the Genoese 
navigator that the island of Cuba was Cipango. He sent forth mes- 
sengers with letters of introduction to the sovereign of Japan, and 
they discovered a people of nakedness and innocence, smoking a 
strange herb they called " tabac." 

The discoverer followed the coast of Cuba in two of his voyages, 
until convinced he had struck the mainland of Asia. On his last 
voyage^ he saw the coast of South America, but did not land. In 



xiv INTRODUCTION. 

his calculations, believing the globe was round like an egg, he had 
omitted the Americas and the Pacific ocean. If he had lived to 
ascertain the bulk of the world, he would have been amazed at the 
prodigality of nature, in manufacturing worlds made of meteors. 

The West Indies, as the islands were named, Columbus actually 
discovered, turned out richer in natural resources than those of the 
East. It was the fortune of the navigator to have a spell of fair 
weather assigned him in the discovery of a far greater land than 
India, an island surpassing Cipango, in extent, fruitfulness and 
beauty, if we may count the unlimited ages, to find a bigger and more 
bountiful Cathay in Asia. 

The letters of the discoverer in describing his islands are poems in 
fact, and glow with the rapture of a wonderful achievement. They 
are beautiful in poetry and piety, penetrated with a deep sense of duty 
to Christianity, with devotion to his Church, and he was radiant in 
his writings about the incouJparable loveliness that environed him — 
the colors of the fish in the rivers rivaling the bloom of the wilder- 
ness that was a majestic and opulent orchard of fruit trees. There 
was waiting for him, as he beheld the dazzling landscapes disclosed, 
an awful enemy native to the voluptuous airs, destined to destroy 
navies, compared with which his caravels were as fishing boats, built 
to keep within view of hospitable shores. 

Columbus arrived in the West Indies in the cyclone season. The 
month of October in that clime especially experiences the terrible 
tempests that wreck the forests and rend the cities. It is the month 
of " the hurricane's eclipse of the sun." The discoverer lingered in 
the enchanted air, hurricane haunted, hoping to find Cipango, until 
he reluctantly departed from his own Paradise. There was peace 
while he waited. Everj^where he found surpassing beauties of sea and 
sky and shore. 

All the blandishments of the tropics were spread to banquet his 
senses to indulge the fascination of suspense and the fancies he 
painted of the coming time. The mighty whirlwinds that begin as 
bubbles of the languid atmosphere of the American Mediterranean 
and send forth their tornadoes like thunderbolts northward and north- 
westward, were stilled that sober October ; but storms overtook and 



INTRODUCTION. xv 

nearly overwhelmed the Conquering Hero, when, on the waters the 
trade winds had beguiled him westward. Despairing at last of escap- 
ing from the aroused Atlantic, he wrote a brief story of his " find " in 
the West, placed the parchment in a cake of wax, and the wax in a 
keg, and so fixed the scroll to float when his ship went down. 

There was a change from stormy to fair, and he returned to Spain 
to receive great honors, and slights, jealousies and treacheries, through 
which he endured labor and sorrow to the end of his life, and died to 
be four times buried — in San Domingo once, Cuba once, and Spain 
first and last. Counting his crossing the Atlantic living and dead, 
his voyages over that stormy sea, from side to side, were ten. His 
longest repose was in the cathedral of Havana, where he had an un- 
finished monument, like " an empty glass turned down," as Spain 
lost her last island that Colon found for Isabella and Ferdinand. 




CONTENTS. 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 

Plan of Work— Divisions of History— Egyptian Knowledge of America— Other Legends 
— Carthagenian Discoveries — Records Found — A Grecian Tomb in America — Similarity of 
Picture Writing — Chinese Discoveries — Difficulties of Maritime Enterprises — Invention of 
the Compass — Irish Claims — The Welsh Discovery — Welsh-Speaking Indians — The Norse- 
men — Erik the E.ed — Discovery of Greenland — The Mainland — Leifs Voyage — The Round 
Tower — Vinland — The First Fight with the Indians — The First White Native American — 
The Dighton Rock — The Skeleton in Armor 25 

COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 

Date and Place of His Birth — A Poor Man's Son — Education — Geographical Knowledge 
of the Time — Ideas of India — Marco Polo — A Splendid Banquet — The Scoifers Rebuked — 
"Lord Millions" — The Story of his Travels — The Grand Khan — Cipango — Imprisoned at 
Genoa — Influence on Youths of Genoa — Columbus Sees Service — Deceiving a Mutinous Crew 
— Prince Henry of Portugal — Columbus at Lisbon — Marriage — An Honored Profession- 
Friends — Evidence of a World Beyond the Waters — Growth of his Great Idea — Toscanelli 
Consulted — Religious Character of Columbus — Application to Genoa — To Venice — Voyage 
to Iceland — Application to Portugal — A Scurvy Trick — Condition of European Countries — A 
Friend at Last — Disappointment — A Sketch of Spanish History — The War Against the Moors 
— Effect upon the Project of Columbus — Friends at Court — Received by King Ferdinand — 
The Great Council of Salamanca — The Folly of the Wise — The Arguments of Columbus — 
Delayed Decision — A Wandering Court — Invitation to Portugal — Letter from England — Re- 
ligious Ardor Strengthened — The Council's Decision — Columbus Sets Out for France — At 
the Convent Gate — Friends at Palos — Appeal to the Queen — Demands of Columbus Rejected 
— A Courageous Courtier — Columbus Recalled — Isabella's Independence — Articles of Agree- 
ment ' 40 

THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

New Difficulties — Reluctant Seamen — The Three Vessels — A Town of 3Iourning — Sets 
Sail from Palos — Alarms — The Double Reckoning — Variation of the Compass — The Grassy Sea 
— Renewed Doubts — Indications of Land — Mutiny of the Crew — Hope Renewed — Confidence 
in Columbus — Night-Watch of the Admiral — Light through the Darkness — "LAND!" — 
The Landing of the Discoverer — Taking Possession — The Natives — Cruising — Self-Deception 
— Exploration of Cuba — Two Wonderful Plants — Desertion of the Pinta — Hayti Discovered — 
Visits from Native Chiefs — Guacanagari — The Santa Maria Wrecked — Assisted by Natives — 
Tribute of Columbus to their Character—The Indians' -First Aquaintance Avith Fire- Arms — 

xvii 



XVlll CONTENTS. 

Enviable Indians— Colony Projected— Eftbrts to Convert the Indians— Building the Fortress 
—Instructions to Colonists— Departure of Columbus — Rejoined by the P/u/a— Explanations- 
Armed Natives— Hostilities— Difficulties of Return Voyage— Storms— Piety of the Crew- 
Causes of the Admiral's Distress— Ills Precautions— Land Once More— Enmity of Portuguese 
—Liberated Prisoners— Departure— Storms Again— Off the Coast of Portugal— Reception in 
Portugal— The King's Advisers— Rejoicing at Palos— Arrival of the P int a— Tinzon's Treach- 
ery— His Death — Reception of Columbus at Court — Unparalleled Honors — Royal Thanksgiv- 
ing — -Jealousy of Courtiers— Columbus and the Egg— The Papal Bull— Preparations for a Sec- 
ond Voyage— Various Arrangements— The Golden Prime of Columbus, ... 79 

THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

The Great Fleet— Precautions of Columbus — The Outward Voyage — Traces of Civilization 
—Evidences of Cannibalism— Hostilities— Doubts Confirmed— At Ancliorage— The Fate of 
the Garrison— Story of the Natives— Attacked by Caribs— A New Colony— The Building of 
Isabella— Sickness— Exploration of the Island— Ojeda's Expedition— Return of Vessels— 
Slave-Trading Proposed by Columbus — His Reasons -Dissatisfaction — A Conspiracy Discov- 
ered—Action of Columbus— Columbus Explores the Island— Fort St. Thomas— Necessities of 
the Colony—" Gentlemen " at Work— A Voyage of Discovery— Welcome Reports — Cuba 
Voted a Part of the Mainland— Dangerous Illness of Columbus— Return to Isabella— Adven- 
tures of Bartholomew Columbus— Margarite's Rebellion— Enemies— Siege of St. Thomas— 
Ojeda's Daring Enterprise— Spanish Cunning vs. Indian Cunning— Steel Bracelets— Spanish 
Cunning Wins— Condition of Colony— An Indian War— Victory— The Conqueror's Conditions 
—A Desperate Effort — Misrepresentations of Margarite — Isabella's Views on Slavery — Agua- 
do's Arrival— Wariness of Columbus— Discovery of Gold-Mines— Romantic Story— Return to 
Spain 128 

THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

Arrival at Cadiz— Reception at Court—" Gold in Bars"— A Miserable Maker of Jokes— A 
Thoughtful Queen— Third A'oyage of Columbus— Departure from Spain— La Trinidad— The 
Continent Discovered— The Land of Pearls— The Earthly Paradise— Building of San Do- 
mingo—The Adelantado's Administration- Conspiracy of Indians— Roldan's Rebellion- 
Dangers of the Government — Indian Insurrection — Guarionex Captured — Roldan's Luck — 
Terms Made with the Rebels— Enemies of Columbus in Spain— His Sons Shamed— Official 
Action— Bobadilla in Ilispaniola— His Course— Uncertainty of Columbus— Return to San 
Domingo — Columbus in Chains— His Brothers Arrested— The " Reward of Services "—Em- 
barkation of Columbus — Arrival in Spain — Bobadilla's Action Disavowed — Ferdinand's Jeal- 
ousy and Distrust— Ovando Appointed Governor— Wrongs of the Indians— A Great Fleet- 
Columbus Plans a Crusade— Ferdinand's Substitute— Fourth Voyage of Columbus— Sails 
from Spain— Ovando Refuses Shelter— His Ships— The Predicted Storm— Results— Cruising— 
Adventures on Land — A Daring Messenger — Reaches Jamaica — Courage of Mendez — Anxiety 
of the Castaways — Mutiny of Porras — Columbus Predicts an Eclipse — Terror of the Natives 
— An Insolent Messenger — Tlie Mutiny Ended — Assistance Arrives — Columbus Reaches 
Spain — Death of Isabella — Illness of Columbus — Assistance of Vespucius — Ferdinand's Delay 
— A Compromise Proposed — Rejection — A Last Gleam of Hope — Death of Columbus — His 
Burial — Ceremonies attending the Removal to Havana 155 

AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

Is "America" an Indian Word? — A City of Merchants — The Vespucci Family — Education 
— A Famil}" Misfortune — Americus in Spain — Connection with Columbus — First Voyage of 
Vespucius — South America Discovered — An American Venice — Attacked by Natives — An 



CONTENTS. xix 

Inland Visit — Friendly Natives — Repairing the Vessels — A Mission of Vengeance — A Desper- 
ate Conflict — Return to Spain — Disputes about the Voyages of Vespucius — Marriage — Visit 
to Court — Ojeda's Expedition — Second Voyage of Vespucius — Off the Coast of South America 
— Gentle Cannibals — Landing of the Spaniards Disputed — A Village of Giants — A Filthy 
Habit — Return to Spain — A Flattering Offer — His Third Voyage — A Stormy Passage — Land 
at Last — An Earthly Paradise — An Invitation Accepted — Murdered by Cannibals — Revenge 
Forbidden — Vespucius becomes Commander — Off the Coast of Africa — Return to Portugal— 
The Fourth Voyage of Vespucius — Misfortunes — An Anxious Condition — South America 
Again — A Colony Planted — Return to Lisbon — To Spain — Preparations for New Expedition — 
Causes of Delay — New Taslcs Proposed — Appointed Chief Pilot of Spain — Visits Florence — 
His Death — His Family — Foundations of his Fame — Accusations — Original Application of the 
Name America 196 

SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 

John Cabot — Settles in England — His Sons — Residence in Venice — Return to England — 
The Cabot Boys' Interest in Columbus — Henry VII. — John Cabot Goes to Court — A Patent 
Granted — Expedition Sails from England — Touches at Iceland — Nova Scotia Discovered — 
The Sailors Insist on Returning — A Second Venture — Death of John Cabot — A Colony Pro- 
posed — Mutinous Sailors — Exploration — A King's Injustice — In Spain — Henry VIII. — Sebas- 
tian Cabot Summoned to England — To Spain Again — Grand Pilot — A Disappointment — Return 
to England — Voyage to America — Rebellious Followers — Summoned to Spain Again — Import- 
ance of the Moluccas — An Expedition Thither — Sealed Orders — Fault-Finding — Swift Retri- 
bution — La Plata — A Fort Built — Ascending the River — A Bloody Battle — Tracked Across 
the Ocean — A Polite Refusal — Pursued uptlae River — Cabot Defends Himself — Explorations — • 
Innocent and Guilty Confused — The Fort Stormed — Return to Spain — Cabot's Reputation — 
Return to England — Grand Pilot of England — Variation of the Needle Explained by Cabot — 
Proposed Expedition to the Northeast — The Stilyard — Sir Hugh Willoughby — Chancellor's 
Success — Willoughby's Death — Cabot's Commercial Importance — Accession and Marriage of 
Queen Marv — Cabot Resigns his Pension — A Lively Old Man — Pension Renewed — Worth- 
thington's L^nfaithfulness — Death of Cabot 227 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PAGE. 



OUl G 



enoa 



English and Spanish Contending for Supremacy in the New World 

Christopher Columbus. • , • ^, " •, 

Columbus Before Isabella and the Council. 
A Phoenician Vessel. . . , • , • ^ • 
A Fleet of Roman Galleys in the Mediterranean. 
Discovery of Greenland by Norse Ships. . 
Round Tower at Newport, Rhode Island. 

Lief and His Men Find Tyrker 

The Skeleton in Armor 

Birthplace of Columbus 

Sea Bishop and Mermaids 

The Phantoms of Fear. • , :. ,^- 

Marco Polo at the Court of Kuulai Khan . 

Marco Polo's Single Galley Attacked by Seventy fi 

The Years of Preparation. . . • • 

Diaz on His Way to the Cape. . 

Isabella in Armor. 

Columbus in the Royal Presence. 

Columbus Before the Council. . . • 

Columbus and His Son at the Monastery Ga^e 

Departure of Columbus from Palos, Spain. 

"Land! Land!" 

The Mutinv 

Columbus Watching for Land. . . 

Columbus Approaching San Salvador. 
Landing of Columbus at San Salvador. . 
The Fight with the Iguana. 

The Grateful Cacique. • • • • • , 

The Columbus Bronze Doors in the Capitol at Wash 
The Return of Columbus. . ', ' , ' 
Columbus' Men Throwing Over the Casks. 
A Pilgrimage of Grace. . ' ^ .; . * i 
Columbus Before the Sovereigns of Portugal. . 
The Triumphal Progress. . • • /. .'i. 
Reception of Columbus by Ferdinand and Isabella. 
Columbus and the Egg. • ; • „.•.,.•. ^ 
Columbus Relating His Discover.es to His I riend, 1 
Evidences of Cannibalism. . . • • • 

Sailing Among the Islands 

Bartholomew Columbus. . • 
Spaniards Setting Dogs on Indians. . 
An Aboriginal Race Working in Mines. . 
Columbus Protecting the Indian Prisoners. 
"Gold in Bars" 



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xxi 



XXU ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE. 

The Landing of Columbus at Trinidad 160 

The Tidal Wave IGl 

Ruins of the House of Columbus at San Domingo 165 

Riveting the Fetters upon Columbus 171 

Columbus Returning to Spain in Chains Full Page 174 

Hooted by the Mob 175 

Ovando's Fleet Shattered in a Storm 178 

Columbus' Caravels Aground. . . . \ 185 

Columbus and the Eclipse ..,,... 188 

Death of Columbus Full Paffe 192 

Statue of Columbus on the Portico of the Capitol at Washington. , . . 195 

Americas Yespucius 197 

Vespucius Exploring the New Country 203 

Natives of the Amazon 206 

On the Orinoco 208 

Lisbon in the Sixteenth Centurj-. 216 

Shipwreclied. Full Page 218 

John Cabot Full Page 226 

Sebastian Cabot. 2;30 

Cabot at Labrador Full Page 232 

Cabot's Return to England. 234 

Vovaging up the River 245 

Great Ship of Henry the Eighth 250 

Sebastian Cabot and the Cosmographers •?54 



Exploration, Discovery and Conquest. 



CHAPTER I. 
AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 

Plan of the Work — Divisions of History — Egyptian Knowledge of America — Other Legends 
-Carthagenian Discoveries — Records Found — A Grecian Tomb in America — Similarity of 
Picture Writing — Chinese Discoveries— Difficulties of Maritime Enterprises — invention of 
the Compass — Welsh-Speaking Indians — The Norsemen — Erik the Red — Discovery of Green- 
land — Leif's Voyage — The Round Tower— The First Fight with the Indians. 

IT is our purpose in this volume to trace the history of the great discov- 
eries beginning in the memorable year 1492; to show how not only 
Columbus labored and waited until his great opportunity came, but the 
adventures and hardships through wliich his contemporaries and successors 
sought out the mysteries surrounding that New World. 

Before entering upon this task, however, it will be well to consider the 
stories told of various seamen who had sought and found the far-off conti- 
nent, before Columbus. We shall also see what dim knowledge of a land 
beyond the great western ocean was current among the peoples of antiquity. 

History is usually divided into three parts. Ancient history ends with the 
fall of Rome, in 476 A. D.; the History of the Middle Ages then begins, and 
extends over a period of about ten centuries ; since the end of which, the re- 
cord is called Modern History. During the first period, there were certain 
traditions regarding a country which was probably America ; during the " 
second period there may have been some daring sailors who reached the 
New World ; the third period begins with the story of exploration, discovery 
and settlement in America. 

Solon, one of the seven wise men of Greece, who lived in the sixth and 
seventh centuries B.C., traveled into far countries, to learn all that the sages 
of other nations had to teach. When he reached Egypt, he thought to aston- 
ish the priests — the learned men of the country — by telling them of the his- 
tory of Greece, and particularly of Athens, of which city he was a native. 

"Solon, Solon!" exclaimed one of the oldest of them; "the Greeks are 
nothing but children, and an aged Greek there is none." 

(25) 



26 AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 

Much surprised at this, the traveler asked the priest what he meant ; and 
received in reply such an account of the knowledge which the Egyptians 
possessed of other peoples, as to make him accept for truth what had seemed 
but an idle boast. 

Among other things, the old priest told him of a vast island, or rather conti- 
nent, which once lay in the great ocean, to the west of Europe, and which 
was reached by a short voyage after the sailor had passed the Pillars of Her- 
cules, as the Strait of Gibraltar was then called. The people of this conti- 
nent had often made war upon those of Europe, and had been much dreaded 
by them; but a series of earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, and similar calami^ 
ties, had caused this great island to sink into the waters of the ocean, with 
all its vast hordes of inhabitants; and the peoples of Europe had thus been 
saved from these terrible enemies. The sinking of this island, the priest 
added, had so blocked up the ocean with mud as to make it forever afterward 
impassable. The date of its destruction he iixed at a point about nine 
thousand years before his own time. 

Solon returned to Greece, bearing this information with him; but it does 
not seem to have been made public until the time of his descendant Plato, 
who lived about two hundred 3'ears later; and we have no means of knowing 
how much Plato added to the original story from the treasury of his own 
mind. It is from this source that Ave derive the classic fables of the Lost 
Atlantis. 

There were legends, too, of the Gardens of the Hesperides, and of the 
Fortunate Islands, and, later, of St. Brandan's Island and other favored 
places, far in the west ; but whether these had any connection with a belief 
in land beyond the Atlantic, or whether this was simply considered a conven- 
ient situation for the scene of such stories, since nobody knew enough of this 
region to say the islands were not there, we cannot pretend to say. 

It is possible that America was reached by the Phoenician and Carthagin- 
ian sailors, the most adventurous of antiquity. But the Phoenicians were 
early reduced to insignificance among the nations of the world, while the 
Carthaginians, whose city they had founded, rose into importance. But 
Carthage engaged in wars with Rome, and was finally wholly destroyed by 
the armies of that great city; and all record of her colonies and discoveries 
was thus lost. It is certain that Carthaginian sailors discovered the Canary 
Islands, which were then uninhabited ; and these islands were peopled from 
Carthage; yet, when they were re-discovered, the inhabitants had lost all 
tradition of their ancestors having come from another country, and thought 
themselves the only people in the world. 

Traditions which have survived the destruction of Carthage tell us that a 
vessel on the Mediterranean, which was sailing towards the Straits of Gib- 
raltar, the ancient Calpe, was driven by storms beyond it, and was heard of 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 



27 



no more. Did it reach America? At a meeting of the Mexican Geographical 
Society, some few j^ears since, it was stated that some brass tablets had been 
discovered in the northern part of Brazil, covered with Phoenician inscrip- 
tions, w^hich tell of the discovery of America five centuries before the begin- 
ning of the Christian era. These are now in the museum at Rio Janeiro. 
They state that a Sidonian fleet sailed from a harbor in the Red Sea, and 
rounding the Cape of Good Hope, was driven by the south-east trade-winds, 
and then by the north-east, across the Atlantic. The number of the vessels, 
the number of seamen, and many other particulars are there given. 




A Phceniciax Vessel. 

In 1827, a farmer near Montevideo, in Uruguay, South America, is said 
to have discovered a flat stone which bore an inscription in a language un- 
known to him. Beneath it was a vault of masonry, in which was deposited 
two ancient swords, a helmet, and a shield. The stone which had covered 
the vault was taken to ]\Iontevideo, where it was found that the inscription 
was in most parts sufficiently legible to be deciphered. According to those 
learned men who examined it, it was in Greek, and read as follows: — 

" During the dominion of Alexander, the son of Philip, King of Macedon, in the sixty- 
third Olympiad, Ptolemais." 

On the handle of one of the swords was a man's portrait, supposed to be 
that of Alexander; the helmet was decorated with a fine sculpture represent- 
ing Achilles dragging the body of Hector around the walls of Troy. If this 
is indeed a relic of times before Columbus, it would indicate that during the 
reign of Alexander the Great, about 330 B. C, a party of Greeks had crossed 
the Atlantic. Why the arms should have been deposited in this vault we do 
not know ; it may have been that one of their number, Ptolemais, possibly their 
leader, died ; it may be that they found it impossible to carry out the cus- 
toms of their nation, and reduce the body to ashes ; and hence entombed it 



28 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 



in this vault, with the arms which their leader had used during his lifetime. 
More than two thousand 3'ears had passed before it was opened; and in that 
time every trace of the body and its softer clothing had been destroyed, leav- 
ing only the imperishable metals. 




A Fleet of Roman Galleys in the Mediterkankan. 

These are the stories of ancient times in regard to America. It will be no- 
ticed that while there are accounts of men who reached the western shores of 
the Atlantic, it would seem that there are none of whom it is said that they 
returned. Yet the fables of Atlantis shows that at some time the people of 
the eastern continent must have known something of the western. It is a 
curious fact, in this connection, that recent investigations have shown that 
the monuments of Mexico and Central America are surprisingly similar to 
those of Egypt; and there is a still greater degree of similarity between the 
picture-writing of these two far-distant parts of the world. How much of 
the civilization of Mexico and Peru, which has long been the wonder of white 
men, came originally from Egypt, the mother of the arts and sciences known 
to Europe? 

At the very beginning of the Middle Ages, we find a claim of another dis- 
covery of America; but this time from the other coast. In 1761, Deguignes, 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 29 

a French scholar whose name is now almost unknown, announced to the 
world that the Chinese discovered America in the fifth century, A. D. He 
derived this information from the official annals of the Chinese Empire, to 
which, he claimed, he had gained access. He tells us that he found that in 
the year 499 A. D., a Chinese Buddhist priest returned to Siugan, the capital 
of China, from Tahan, or Khamschatka, saying that he had been to a coun- 
try twenty thousand li, or about seven thousand miles, beyond Tahan. It is 
supposed by Deguignes from this statement of the distance, that he had 
crossed Behring's Strait and journeyed southward to California, or perhaps 
as far as Mexico. The explorer called this country Fusang, from the fact 
that the maguey, or American aloe, so plentiful in that part of North Amer- 
ica, resembles the plant which the Chinese call fusang. 

Before considering at more length the stories of those navigators who are 
said to have preceded Columbus in the discovery of America, let us see what 
difficulties were in the way. In the first place, the vessels which served for 
coasting voyages were, in very many cases, small and ill-fitted for buffeting 
with the storms of the Atlantic. We shall see hereafter, however, that an 
experienced sailor did not consider certain ships as unfitted for his purpose 
because they were smaller than many of his day; and, perhaps, in comparing 
the ships of the two periods, we are apt to place too much stress on the fact 
that the vessels of to-day are large, and conclude that because of their size 
they are safer. Possibly the small craft in which the early navigators cross- 
ed the Atlantic were far safer and more manageable than larger vessels would 
have been, without the aid of steam to speed them on their way. 

A far greater difficulty lay in the ignorance of the sailors. Do we realize 
what it means to have no newspapers, no books except costly manuscripts, 
no schools except for those of high rank or who intended to enter the priest- 
hood? Can a modern sailor imagine what it would be to drift upon an un- 
known sea, without chart or compass? Yet that is what these early seamen 
did, when they ventured far to the west, in search of land of whose very ex- 
istence they were not sure. 

The mariner's compass was not known in Europe until about the twelfth 
century; although it had been in use much earlier than this in China. A 
learned Florentine, who visited England in 1258, wrote home a letter describ- 
ing one wonderful thing which he had seen. He had been to the great Univer- 
sity of Oxford, which had had a European renown for hundreds of years 
even then, and had been admitted to the study of Friar Roger Bacon, a man 
so wise that most persons thought he must have sold himself to the devil to 
learn all that he knew. One of the wonderful things which he saw was the 
power which a piece of magnetic iron ore possessed over iron and steel ; and 
the great friar, putting a long, slender bit of such ore on a piece of light 
wood, and letting it float on some water, showed the astonished traveler how 



^0 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 



coDstantly one end of the rude needle pointed to the North Star. It was too 
strange a power to be wholly right, thought the people of that time; it could 
only be by Satanic direction that such powers could be given to a bit of 
senseless iron; how could a piece of metal know more than a Christian? 
And good, devout Catholics, in stormy weather, were often puzzled to know 
in what direction to look for the North Star. So the sailors refused to go 
in any vessel whose master was known to carry this magical contrivance; and 
it was only when they found that exorcisms and blessings and signs of the 
cross did not take away this power of the magnet, that they began to believe 
it did not come from the devil after all. This foolish prejudice against the 
mariner's compass once removed, a great ditficulty in the way of oceanic ex- 
ploration was smoothed away. 

If we may believe the claims of several nations, however, America was dis- 
covered more than once before the mariner's compass was in use among 
European sailors. There are some claims that the Irish, at a period which is 
not fixed, had sailed westward and reached the farther shores of the Atlan- 
tic; and the people of the northern part of Europe told of a country which 
they called Great Ireland, in very much the same way as the people of the 
southern part, at a little earlier day, told of Atlantis. It must be remember- 
ed in reading of this Irish voyage, that in very early times Ireland was a 
much more highly civilized country than England. The schools of Ireland 
were famous throughout Europe, before those of Oxford and Cambridge and 
Paris were dreamed of, and while the wolves yet howled around the sites of 
Heidelberg and Leipsic. Such a nation, then, would have many men who 
knew the story of Atlantis ; it might be told to some adventurous sailors, 
who would employ all the arts of the then civilized world in fitting out a 
vessel to voyage thither; and who might possibly accomplish the journey and 
return in safety. 

The next account which we shall notice is the story told by the Welsh 
bards, that in the twelfth century America was discovered by some of their 
countrymen. The bards, or poets, were the historians of Wales, before, in 
the fourteenth century, it was conquered by the king of England and made 
a part of his dominions; in their songs we find all that can be known of the 
history of Wales; and this is not contradicted by the written history of other 
nations, in those particular instances where they tell of the same event. 

According to them, the death of a king named Owen brought about great 
dissensions among his sons, who each desired the kingdom for himself, ex- 
cepting Madoc, who seems to have been a lover of peace. While the other 
brothers were fighting to decide this question, Madoc sailed away to the west- 
ward in search of a country where there was no war. Leaving Ireland to the 
north, he continued his course until he reached a beautiful and fertile coun- 
try, supposed, by those who fully accept the account, to have been the coast 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 



31 



of the southern portion of the United States. But he was not content to 
enjoy this new-found paradise with the few who had come with him; he 
wished to share it with all who loved peace. He accordingly returned to 
Wales, and spread the story of his discovery far and wide. Three hundred 
answered his call, and with ten ships he sailed away again to the western 
land, but, sad to say, was never heard of more. 

In 1740, there appeared in the Gentleman's Magazine, an English period- 
ical of high standing, a letter dated more than fifty years before, narrating 
how the writer, a Welsh clergyman and a graduate of the University of Ox- 
ford, had, in company with some other persons, been captured by some In- 
dians of the Tuscarora tribe, near what is now called Cape Hatteras. This 
occurred about the beginning of the year 1661. The prisoners were in much 
danger from the Indians, but the reverend gentleman, much to his surprise, 
found that he could make them understand him by speaking in his native 
language, which was substantially the same as their own. By pleading with 
them in Welsh, he succeeded in making friends with them, and he and his 
companions were well treated during the four months that they remained 
with the Indians. He adds that he preached to the Indians in Welsh, three 
times a week during this period. To this communication the name of the 
Rev. Morgan Jones is signed. 

This testimony alone would be of little weight; for it was written twenty- 
five years after the occurrence, and published fifty-five years after it was 
written. Others, however, have told of the Indians who speak Welsh; and 
more than one Welshman, who knew no language except that and English, 
is said to have been able to talk to the Indians, and understand them, 
although they knew no language but their own. Mr. Jones describes the In- 
dians into whose hands he fell as being so light in color that he first took 
them for white men; and it is true that the Tuscaroras, who were the sixth 
of the famous Six Nations, were frequently called white Indians. 

It is said, also, that the Conestogas showed especial hatred to such whites 
as were of a fair complexion; and a red-haired, blue-eyed person, would be 
more cruelly treated by them than one with dark hair and eyes. An enthu- 
siastic Welshman declares that this was because their remote ancestors had 
had hard battles with Madoc and his followers, and they instinctively recog- 
nized persons of fair hair as bitter enemies. 

How much of the story of Madoc is true, we do not know, but it seems to 
fit in with what the Mexicans told the Spaniards : that they had been taught 
many things by white strangers from the east, who had gone back across the 
Atlantic, promising to return. If this were Madoc and his companions, it 
seems that they never reached America after leaving Wales the second time, 
but were lost to both continents. If, on the other hand, the ancestors of the 
Tuscaroras were Welshmen, Madoc's ten ships reached their destination, but 



32 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 



those which tried to return were lost. One thing is certain : Madoc and his 
handful of men could not have civilized Mexico and settled North Carolina. 
One claim or the other must be given up. 




DiSCONTiRY OK GREENLAND BY NORSE SlIU'S. 



We come now to the account of the discovery of America by navigators 
from another country, whose claims to having actually reached the shores of 
the western continent are clearer and better proved than any of those who 
went before them. The discoveries of the Norsemen are recorded in their 
sagas; and being written history, these accounts deserve more credit than 



AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 33 

any mere traditions. The only question is, what hind was actually reached; 
was it a portion of the New England coast, or was it nearer the coast of 
Greenland? 

From the Saga of Erik the Red we condense and modernize the following 
account : — 

Thorvald and his son Erik removed from the southwestern coast of Nor- 
way to Iceland, in consequence of murder, after several colonies had been 
established in that island. Thorvald died there, and Erik married. Moving 
northward from where he first settled, Erik's name of " The Red " seems to 
have been merited by new deeds of violence; for shortly after the birth of 
his son Leif he was compelled to remove again, this time to the westward. 
Disputes between him and his new neighbors arose, as a result of which he 
was declared an outlaw. Gunnbjorn, a countryman of Erik's, had sailed to 
the westward and brought back word that there was land there; it is sup- 
posed that this land was Gunnbjarnasker, now concealed, or rendered inac- 
cessible, by the descent of Arctic ice. Erik said he would come back to his 
friend if he found the land, says the old chronicle; and it would appear from 
this that he was desperate; if he did not find land, he would perish in the 
waste of waters. He reached Greenland, seen then by European eyes for the 
first time, and touched at a point which he named Midjokul; the term jokid 
being applied to a mountain covered with snow. 

Reaching Greenland in the spring or summer, he remained there for two 
winters. The third summer he went to Iceland, and anchored his ship near 
the point from which he had sailed. He called the land which he had found 
Greenland, because, said he, "People will be attracted thither, if the land 
has a good name." 

Remaining in Iceland all winter, probably to get recruits for his new en- 
terprise, he sailed back to Greenland the next summer, with a fleet of thirty- 
five vessels ; but of these only fourteen reached their destination ; some were 
lost, and the others driven back. 

The saga places this settlement fifteen winters before Christianity was 
established by law in Iceland, or 985 A. D.; Iceland having been settled 
874 A. D. 

One of the settlers who accompanied Erik was name(i Herjulf. His son, 
Bjarni, was a bold and daring sailor, who possessed his own ship while still a 
very young man. It was his custom to spend every second winter with hi? 
father, the remainder of the time being given to the sea. Accordingly, he 
set sail from Norway in the summer time, and arrived in Iceland only to find 
that his father had moved to Greenland. 

These tidings, the old chronicler says, appeared serious to Bjarni, and ho 
was unwilling to unload his ship. Then his seamen asked him what he would 
do: he answered that ho intended to continue his custom, and spend the 



34 AMERICA BEFORE COLUMBUS. 

wiiitoiMvith his father; unci asked them if they wouhl accompan\ liiin to 
Greenhuul. They assented to this, though none of them had been in the 
" Greenhind Ocean." Putting to sea, they had fair weather for three days; 
but after that, fogs arose, and continued many days. Finally, they saw land. 
They were doubtful, however, if this was Greenland; and sailed closer before 
they could determine. Seeing that it was without mountains, but covered 
with wood, they decided that it could not be the country which they were 
seeking, and leaving it on the larboard side, sailed two days before they again 
saw land. This, again, did not answer the description, being a flat land cov- 
ered with Avood. 

The sailors, however, were tired of seeking a land the location of which 
they did not know, and wished to go ashore here; pretending, when Bjarni 
objected, that they were in need of wood and water. He stoutly refused to 
permit it, however, and at last they unwillingly turned the prow from the 
land. Sailing three days with a south-west wind, they saw. another laud, 
covered with mountains and ice-hills; but this did not appear inviting to 
Bjarni, and he forbade the sails to be lowered. As they kept on their course, 
they saw that this was an island. 

Once more putting out to sea, they sailed four days, when they saw the 
fourth land. It seemed to Bjarni that this answered the description of 
Cireenlaud, and putting about for shore, they chanced to land just at the 
point where Bjarni's father, Herjulf. had settled. 

What were the three lands that he saw? If we carefully trace his course 
on the map, remembering that the Norsemen reckoned a day's sail at about 
thirty geographical miles, and keeping in mind what is said of the direction 
of the wind, we can but come to the conclusion that the tirst land seen was 
Connecticut or Long Island, while the great island was doubtless Newfound- 
land ; the second land was some point between the two. 

This is the tirst written record which we have of the discovery of the 
mainland of America. The voyage was nuule at some time in the late sum- 
mer or autumn of 1»S.") ; ])ut. as we have seen, the Europeans did not attempt 
to land. 

Bjarni went back to Norway, where he boasted of his tliscovery; but the 
fact that he had refused to land became somewhat a matter of reproach 
to him. His exi)eriences, however, caused much talk about voyages of dis- 
covery, and Leif, the son of that (piarrelsome Erik the Red, who had tirst 
settled Greenland, sailed away to the south-west with thirty-five men. 

One of these is called in the saga a Southern; he was i)robably a German. 
But we will quote the simple old story itself: — 

"Now prepared they their ship, and sailed out into the sea when they 
were ready, and then found that land first which Bjarni had found last. 
There sailed they to the land, antl cast anchor, and put off boats, and went 



A.MKKKA HEFOKK ((H.l.MI'.r 



35 



ashore, and found there no grass. * * * * Then said Leif: 'AV^eliavc 
not done like Bjarni about this land, that we have not been upon il ; now will 
I give the land a name, and call it Helluland.' 

"Then went they on l)oard, and after that sailed out to sea, and found 
another land; they sailed again to the land, and cast anchoi-, then put off 
boats and went on shore. This land was flat, and covered with wood, and 
white sands were far around where they went, and the shore was low."' 

^he country was accordingly named Markland, which means woodland in 
the Norse tongue. Returning to the ship, they sailed again into the open 
sea before a north-east wind. Two days later, they came to an island, sup- 
posed, from the distance and direction, to have been Nantucket ; thence their 
course lay along the coast until they 
reached Mt. Hope Bay. They noted 
that on the shortest day in winter — 
for they remained here all winter — 
the day was nine hours long; the sun 
rising at half-past seven and setting at 
half-past four. This circumstance 
confirms the conclusion drawn from 
the direction and length of their course 
over the seas; for the time of sunrise 
and sunset varies with the latitude; 
and the times given by them corres- 
pond with the actual length of the day 
at this point. 

Having determined to settle at this 
point, they ' ' built there large houses. " 
Was one of these buildings that 
Round Tower at Newport, the origin 
of which has been so much debated? 
Leif divided his party, sending half 
out upon journeys to explore the land, 
while the others remained at home. 
They did not go far, it being understood that they were always to be back at 
night-fall. Leif himself sometimes accompanied these expeditions; some- 
times stayed at home. 

"It happened one evening that a man of the party was missing, and this 
was Tyrker theGerman. This took Leif much to heart, for Tyrker had been 
long with his father and him, and loved Lief much in his childhood. Lief 
now took his people severely to task, and prepared to seek for Tyrker, and 
took twelve men with him. But when they had gotten a short way from the 
house, then came Tyrker toward them, and was joyfully received. Leif soon 




EouxD Tower at Ne^atokt, Khode Island. 



3^ 



AMEKICA HKIOKK COLUMBUS. 



saw that his foster-father was not in his right senses. Tyrker had a high 
forehead, and unstead}^ eyes, was freckled in the face, small and mean in 
stature, but excellent in all kinds of artifice. Then said Leif to him: — 
" ' Why wert thou .so late, my fosterer, and separated from the party?' 




Lkif anm> Ills Men Fixd Tykkkr. 

" Tyrker now spoke first, for a long time, in German, and rolled his eyes 
about to different sides, and twisted his mouth, but they did not understand 
what he said. After a time he spoke Norse: - - 

" ' I have not been much further off, but still I have something new to tell 
of; I found wine-wood and wine-berries.' 



AMKRHA BKFORE COr.UMBUS. 37 

'-' ' But is that true, my fosterer?' .said Leif. 

" ' Surely is it true,' replied he, ' for I was bred up in a laud where there 
is no want either of wine-wood or wine-berries.' 

"They slept now for the night, l)ut in the morning, Leif said to his sailors: 

" ' We will now set about two things, in that the one day we gather grapes, 
and the other day cut vines and fell trees, so from thenoe will be a loading < 
for my ship.' 

" And that was the counsel taken, and it is said their long boat was filled 
with grapes. Now was a cargo cut down for the ship, and when the spring 
came, they got ready and sailed away, and Lief gave the land a name after 1 
its qualities, and called it Vinland."' 

The next voyage was made by Thorvald, the younger brother of Leif. 
These voyagers made for the point where Leif and his companions had spent 
the winter, but were less fortunate than they had been. Leaving these houses 
behind them, they started upon a further journey of discovery; and here we 
find the story of the first encounter between Indians and Europeans. Hav- 
ing landed, Thorvald and his men saw three skin-boats drawn up on the 
sand; they approached them, and found that there were three men under 
each. Dividing, they surrounded the natives, and attacked them,. One es- 
caped; eight were captured and put to death. Thus early did the wanton 
war upon the Indians begin. 

But the red man who had escaf)ed had carried the tidings to his tribe ; and 
that night, while Thorvald and his men were sleeping as peacefully as if they 
had not murdered their prisoners, were alarmed by the war-cry of the sav- 
ages. They were repulsed, but one of the white men being wounded. That 
one was Thorvald; and the wound was evidently with a poisoned arrow, for 
he died, and was buried at the cape where he thought it best to dwell. 

The next voyage was made by a third brother, Thorstein, who took his wife 
Gudrid with him. He died shortly after they returned to Greenland, and 
Gudrid married Thorfinn, an able seaman and merchant. Thorfinn fitted out 
a vessel to explore Vinland, and again Gudrid went with her husband to the 
new country. 

Here a son was born to them, whom they named Snorre — the first child of 
European parentage born on the western continent. Thorwaldsen, the great 
sculptor, and many other eminent Norwegians, claimed descent from Snorre 
Thorfinnson, born in America in 1007 A. D. 

Thorfinn and his party met the natives several times, but did not fight 
them, as the early explorers had done. They traded peaceably with them 
for awhile — cheating the Indians, of course — and thought there was no dan- 
ger from them. But the roaring of a bull which the strangers brought with them 
so frightened the natives that they fled at their utmost speed, and were not 
seen again for three weeks. Then they returned in force, attacking the 



38 



AMERICA BEFORE ((H.r.MmS. 



strangers, who were glad to withdraw to the houses which they had built. 
The Indians were repulsed, but the whites judged it wisest to leave a laud 
where there was such danger from the natives. It must be remembered that 
these early Norsemen did not have the advantage of fii-earms, as those who 
came in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries had. The Indians had 
knives and axes of stone; the Norsemen had weapons of iron, and this was 
the sole advantage which they possessed. Hopelessly outnumbered, there 
was nothing for them to do but withdraw. 

According to some authorities, one hundred of them refused to follow 
their leader back to Greenland, but remained in the new country, the land 
of corn and wine, as it truly seemed to these children of the frozen North. 
It is not certain, however, but what all of them went back to Greenland. 

There were some minor voyages after this time; but during the century to 
which we have now come, a terrible plague swept over Norway, and so de- 
creased the population that there was no need for the people to seek new 
homes beyond the sea. Perhaps the traditions of the terrible natives had 
something to do with this; or perhaps their energies w^ere turned in other di- 
rections. Certainly, the voyages of the Norsemen to the coast of North 
America had ceased long before the time of Columbus; and the records were 
stored away, to be brought to light again nearly a thousand years after the 
first of such journej's was made. 

We have already alluded to the Eouna Tower at Newport, which is sup- 
posed by many to be the work of the Norsemen ; 
antiquarians claiming that it resembles certain 
structures in the Old World, which are known 
to have been built by this people. Another cu- 
rious relic is found in what is called The Digh- 
ton Rock, which is situated about six and a half, 
miles from Taunton, Massachusetts. This rock, 
which is about eleven and a half feet long at the 
base, and about live feet high, is covered on one 
face with an inscription, which Norsemen claim 
is written in the Runic characters which their 
ancestors used. The name of Thorfinn and the 
number of his followers are about the only points which they have been able 
to make out. It is right to state here that their claim of its Norse origin is 
not undisputed. Schoolcraft, the best authority upon all matters relating 
to the American Indian, says it is an Indian picture-writing, and can be 
readily read by any one acquainted with their mode of expression. 

jNIany Americans are acquainted with Longfellow's poem of " The Skeleton 
in Armor." This skeleton was dug up in the vicinity of Fall River; was it 
the body of Thorvald? "We have no means of knowing. 




The Skeleton in Akmok. 



AMERICA BErORE COLUMBUS. 3H 

It iDusl be remembered that, in all these stories of the early discover}' of 
America there is much that is uncertain and conjectural. Even those heroes 
whose adventures are recorded in the sagas, have had their claims contested ; 
for they knew so little of geography that they could not clearly describe the po- 
sition of the lands which they discovered. The difference between the 
earlier and the later discoverers may be stated thus: Those persons who 
reached the shores of America before the middle of the fifteenth century, 
w^ere wild adventurers, knowing nothing of any means of preserving the 
record of their exploits but the wild songs of their native minstrels; Colum- 
bus and many of his successors were men of science, capable of observing 
and recording points which made patent to the world the facts of their 
achievements. 

Thus ends the story of those who claimed to have discovered the western 
Avorld before Columbus set out on his memorable voyage. We shall see, when 
we come to tell of his struggles to obtain recognition, whether he knew any- 
thing of what others had done before him by crossing the great Atlantic, 



CHAPTER ir. 

COLUMBUS- LEFE BEFORE THE DISOCA'ERY OF A^HTHCA. 

Date and Place of Hi? Birth — A Poor Mans Son — Education — Cieographical Knowledge 
of the Time — Ideas of India — Marco Polo — A Splendid Banquet — The Scoffers Rebuked — 
"'Lord ^Millions'' — The Story of His Travels — The Grand Khan— Cipango — Imprisoned at 
Genoa — Influence on Youths of Genua — Columbus See? Service — Deceiving a Mutinous Crew 
— Prince Henry of Portugal — Coltunb'us at Lisbon — Marriage— An Honored Profession — 
Friends — Evidence of a World Beyond the Waters — Cxrowth of His Great Idea — Toscanelli 
Consulted — Religious Character of Coliunbus — Application to Cienoa — To Venice — Voyage 
to Iceland — Aj'plication to Portugal — A Scurvy Trick — Condition of European C<:>untrie? — A 
Friend at Last — Disappointment — A Sketch of Spanish History — The War Agaiust the Moors 
— Effect upon the Project of ColumbiLs — Friends at Court — Received by King Ferdinand — 
The Great Council of Salamanca — The Folly of the Wise — The Arguments of Columbus — 
Delayed Decision — A Wandering Court — Invitation to Portugal — Letter from England — The 
Council's Decision — Columbus Sets out for France — At the Convent Gate — Friends at Palos — 
Appeal to the Queen — Demands of Coliunbus Rejected — A Courageous C<^>urtier — Coltunbus 
Recalled — Isabella's Independence — Articles of Agreement. 

AVIXG now renewed briefly the claims of those nations which are 
said to have discovered America before it was reached by the Geno- 
ese sailor with his Spanish followers, let us learn what we can of the 
early years of the great discoverer — not only of his birth, childhood and edu- 
cation, but of the ^veary wanderings from place to place, the lono; years of 
labor and waiting, before he found friends with minds sutficiently large, ami 
purses sutficiently filled, to assist him in this great undertaking. 

He was the son of a wool-comber of Genoa, and the oldest of four chil- 
dren. Nothing is known of his sister, except that she married an obscure 
man named Savarello : of his brothers. Bartholomew, and Diego or James, 
we shall hear more, particularly of the first-named. 

After Columbus grew famous, there were many etlbrts made to claim him 
as native of other places than Genoa : as it was said of the great Greek poet, 

"Seven Grecian cities strove for Homer dead, 
Through which the living Homer b^ged his bread." 

Had these places been as anxious to assist the struggling genius as they were 
to borrow some of his glory, there would be much less to tell about disap 
pointments and long wear}' waiting. The claims of Genoa are proved by 
the wording of the will of Columbus himself: " I was born there, and came 
from thence." 

(41) 




4'2 lOMMius" i.iii: I'.KioKK riiK l)Is^'«.)^ KKV ok a.mkimca. 

It i-; i)rol)al)lo tluil, altlu)uy;li hi.s father was an luniible traelcsinaii or uie- 
clianio, the family hat! been one of some importauee. Genoa was a merean- 
tik* eity; and a wealthy family, retluoetl by misfortunes to poverty, would still 
retain friendship among those who were less unfortunate. AVe shall see, as 
we go on, that Columbus had some sueh friends; but just how imuli they ditl 
for him, and how much he won for himself, we eannot tell. 

This much is certain: he was a })oor man's son, born and brought up in a 
city the people of which derived their daily bread from trading. Look at the 
map of Italy, and remember that in those days there were not only no rail- 
roads, but no other roads that were safe and well kept; and you will readily 
see what part the sea played in tiie life of. every Genoese. The great salt- 
water highway was the only one for their commerce; and every Genoese boy 
learned something of seamanship as naturally as a duck learns to swim. 

His book education was supposed to be completed at the age of fourteen. 
He had then acquired a knowledge of the rudiments, reading, writing and 
arithmetic; he knew something of Latin, no hard study for an Italian, and 
had learned to draw. Some time had also been spent at the University of 
Pavia, where hestudied geography, geometry, astronomy and navigation. 

When we remember what parts of the earth have been discovered and ex- 
plored since the middle of the tifteenth century, it does not seem that there 
would be muchgeograi)hy for the boy Columbus to study. And there was not. 
Even the eastern continent was largely unknown to the geographers of that 
time. With the coast of Europe, from the northern point of Europe to the 
Strait of Gibraltar, and thence along the Mediterranean, they were thorough- 
ly well acquainted; of Africa, they knew only the northern coast and a small 
part of thew^estern, as far south as Cape Bojador, a name which means "The 
Outstretcher;" and of Asia they knew the Mediterranean coast, a part of the 
southern coast, and thought that they had reliable accounts of the part far- 
ther to the east. 

They were sure that the world was round, but thought it much smaller than 
it has since been proved to be. They reckoned that the known portions of 
the world covered about two hundred and twenty-five degrees of longitude, 
or about twice as great a proportion as modern geographers allow for it. 

The world, or rather the laud of the world, was wholly surrounded by the 
"Ocean Stream," beyond which lay, they thought, the path to the other 
world. The great salt sea to the south of Asia was probably no part of this, 
but was surrounded by land, the eastern coast of Africa turning to the east, 
and joining the south-eastern extremity of Asia; but opinions on this point 
varied, for some believed the Indian Sea, as it was called, to be a part of the 
ocean; and stoutly maintained that it would be possible to reach India by 
sailing around Africa. As to investigating the boundaries of the ocean, that 
wouhn>e the act of a madman; for countless dreadful and unknown dan- 



COL,U3IBUS LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 



i'6 



gem niu.st be faced, besides the absolute certainty that no one would ever be 
able to returny The earth is round, these wise men argued; and if one were 
to sail down from the summit, where we live, he would never be able to sail 
his ship up-hill, to reach home again. 




Sea Blshop am> Mkkmaid?. 

Besides, in and about that sea, in the dim light of fading day, crawled, 
seethed, fluttered and swam all the monsters that terror could conjure uj). 
The enormous nautilus, able with one stroke of its live oars to' capsize a 
ship; the sea-serpent, fifty leagues long, with a comb like a cock's; the sy- 
rens of Homer, ceaselessly pursued by the cruel sea-monk, which was still be- 
lieved in as late as 1^2»I; and, finally, the dreadful bishop of the sea, with 
his phosphorescent mitre. Harpies and winged chimeras skimmed this mo- 




Till, Phantoms ok Fkaij. 



(41) 



COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 45 

i; 

tionless sea in pursuit of their prey; there were sou-elephants, lions, tigers 
and hippocampi, who grazed in vast fields of sea-weeds from which no ship 
could ever hope to extricate herself. 

Out of this chaotic sea arose a colossal hairy hand armed with claws — the 
hand of Satan, La Main JVoire; its existence could not be doubted — it was 
pictured on all the maps of the time. 

From the bottom of the abyss there appeared also, from time to time, at 
regular intervals, the back of the kraken, like a new island, some said twice, 
others three times, as large as Sicily. This huge polypus, who, with one of 
its suckers — and it had as many as the cuttle-fish — could arrest a ship in full 
sail, was in the habit of rising to the surface every day. From its vent-holes 
issued two water-spouts six times as high as the Giralda of Seville. When 
it had squirted out the water, it would draw in a corresponding supply of air, 
thereby creating a whirlwind in which a ship would have spun like a top. 

The kraken was not an evil-disposed monster; but it could not be denied 
that its enormous dimensions rendered it, to say the least, an unpleasant 
object. And even without the kraken, and supposing that the Black Hand 
of Satan did not dare to descend on a fleet whose royal ensign bore the im- 
age of Christ crucified, which had the ever-blessed Virgin for its patroness, 
how were they to escape from the two-headed eagle with its enormous wings, 
or from the formidable roc, which had seized and carried off in its talons, 
before the Arab traveler's eyes, a vessel equipped with a hundred and fifty 
men ? 

These were some of the things which the boy Columbus learned at the 
great and famous University of Padua; when he became a pupil in the Uni- 
versity of Hard Knocks, he acquired information that was quite different. 

But why was India considered of so much importance? For, we have 
seen that it was debated whether or not it would be possible to reach India 
by sea; and although w^e have not yet reached that point in telling the life of 
Columbus, there is not a reader of these pages but knows beforehand that 
he expected to reach India by sailing westward. 

For a long time the regions of the far east had been considered the home 
of luxury of every kind. Perhaps the stuffs which merchants brought from 
there had something to do with this belief; perhaps it was only because peo- 
ple wanted to tell themselves some kind of a marvelous story, and imagined 
these things. Some of these stories had come down from ancient times; 
others had been told by the Arabs and Moors, who had settled in Spain, and " 
with whom there was more or less intercourse. What we know as European 
Turkey was not in the hands of the Turks when Columbus was a school- 
boy, if we accept 1435 as the date of his birth ; so that nothing could have 
come from them. 

There were not wanting travelers' tales, to excite the popular curiosity re- 



i^ COLIMBUS" LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 

garding the ca?^t. In the year 1205 there arrived at Venice three men, very 
shabbily dressed in travel-stained garments. The eldest of these declared 
that his name was Nicholas Polo, and that his companions were liis brother 
Maffeo and his son Marco. But the relatives of the Polos, who had started 
upon a commercial voyage to the east some forty years before, refused to 
recognize or invite these shabby strangers to their magniticent houses, for 
they were all rich and aristocratic. The Polos, however, managed to obtain 
possession of their own dwelling, and then invited all the prond relations to 
a banquet. Pcrhaj)s it was out of curiosity that all went ; such curiosity 
was most abundantly gratified. 

The three hosts, whose worn and travel-stained garments had so offended 
the ideas of the dainty Venetians, had been exthaiiged for rich robes of 
crimson satin, such as the nobles Mere in the habit of wearing upon state oc- 
casions. When, however, the guests had been received, these costly clothes 
were cut up and distributed among the servants, while the masters reappear- 
ed, robed in still richer costumes of crimson damask. These shared the fate 
of the other dresses, and the Polos arrayed themselves in crimson velvet. 
AVhcn the feast was over, they bade the servants bring in those robes in 
which they had returned to Venice; and ripping the seams, showed the as- 
tonished guests that these despised garments contained, thus hidden, jewels 
enough to have purchased the whole city of Venice. 

Marco Polo, the youngest of the three, seems to have come in contact with 
the people much more than his father or uncle; and he told them, day af- 
ter day, such stories of the magnificence of the princes whom they had vis- 
ited, always reckoning the income of each potentate as so many millions, 
that an irreverent American would have dubbed him "Old Millions;" the 
Venetians, more polite in their nicknaming, styled him Ser Jfilione — '* Lord 
Millions." 

So great an influence did these stories have upon Columbus, that we must 
here pause and learn what parts of the earth were visited by these three 
travelers. AVe have seen that they left Venice about 1255, bound on a com- 
mercial journey to the east. At Constantinopte, they sold the Italian goods 
which they had carried from home, and bought jewels with the proceeds. 
AVitli these they set out to trade with the Tartars, who had then overrun many 
parts of Asia and Europe, and Avere building cities on the A^olga. Here they 
were fortunate enough to meet Avith a Tartar prince who was extremely hon- 
I'st; they trusted him with their wealth; and in return for this trust were 
loaded with favors during the year they remained at his court. 

But war broke out between him and his neighbors: and the strangers 
found that they could not get home. They accordingly, after three years 
spent at Bokhara, joined an embassy which was going to the court of the 
Grand Khan, or King of Kings, the sovereign of all the Tartai's. 



COLUMBUS" LIFE HKFOKK THE DISUON EKV OF AMERICA. 



47 



This was situated at a city which Pok) called Cambalu, since identified as 
Pekin.' It was the capital of Cathay, of which wonderful stories had been 
told for many years; but the account which Marco Polo gave of its riches 
was still more wonderful. 



f ii^ I // 




Marco Polo at the Court ok Kubl.\i Khan. 



To the east of this rich country lay an island, the name of w^hich is vari- 
ously spelled by different writers; we shall use the form Cipango, since in 
that shape the name frequently occurs in the writings of Colum])us. The 
palace of the king of Cipango, the traveler asserted, was covered, not with 
sheets of lead or copper, as was the custom in Europe, but with sheets of 







liliii 




COLL'MBL■^■ JLIFE BEFORE THE DtJsCOVEKV OF AMEKK A. 49 

gold; and the golden plateS u-sed for its inside adornment were, in .some cases, 
two inches thick. The island also produces pearls of fabulous size in large 
quantities, as well as great numbers of precious stones. It is so rich, he 
added, that even the mightv Khan, a prince far richer than any in Europe, 
had tried many times to conquer it, but had failed to do so, since the inhabi- 
tants had a secret by which they were enabled to make themselves secure 
against any kind of wound. 

The sea between Cathay and Cipango is studded with seven thousand four 
hundred and forty small islands, all of which produce perfumes and valua- 
ble woods most abundantly. 

The Great Khan, otherwise called Kublai Khan, was much pleased to re- 
ceive these strangers from the distant west. He prepared a feast for them, 
and asked, with much eagerness, for any information that they could give 
him of what was happening in Europe, requiring details of the government, 
of the various kings and em|)erors and their methods of making war. ^Maf- 
feo and Nicholas fortunately spoke the Tartar language fluently, so they 
could freely answer all the emperor's questions. 

This mighty prince of the East had also shown great interest in the doc- 
trines of Christianity, as taught by the Venetian merchants: and had re- 
quested them to take a message to the Pope, asking him to send at once a 
hundred learned men to instruct the wise men of Cathay in religion. All 
these statements were proved by the golden tablets with which the K3ian 
had furnished them as passports, and by the magnificent jewels which they 
showed as his gifts to them. 

How much of these stories was true? The contemporaries of the Polos 
regarded them as grossly exaggerated ; neither friends nor foes believed the 
half was true. It is said that when Marco Polo was on hLs death-bed, some of 
his friends, distressed at the idea of his dying with all these falsehoods on 
his soul, exhorted him to retract what he had published ; or, at least, to dis- 
avow such parts as were fictitious. The dying man raised himself and 
glared fiercely at them, as he replied that it was all true; only, he had not^ 
told half of the wonders that he saw. 

So much for the travels of ilarco Polo. How did they affect Columbus? 
Venice and Genoa are now close neighbors, cities of the same kingdom, their 
language and their laws alike. It was different then ; the few miles between 
them were multiplied by the dangers and difficulties of the way; they were 
under distinct governments, and occasionally at war with each other; how 
could the Genoese boy be influenced by the accounts given, a hundred and 
fiifty years before, by the Venetian traveler? 

It came about in this way. Shortly after the return of the wanderers, a 
Genoese fleet threatened part of the Venetian territory; it was necessary for 
Venice to defend herself. Of the fleet which was sent to oppose the enemy, 
4 



50 (X)LU.MHrs" LIFF, HKFOKK TlIK DISCOVERV Ol' A.AIFHICA. 

one guile}- was ooniniauded by Marco Polo. Advancing, the tirst vessel of 
the line, upon the enemy, he was soon hotly engaged in battle. For some 
reason, the others did not follow as promptly as they should have done; and 
Marco Polo's single galley was surrounded b}' the seventy from Genoa. 

Only the fate of the commander is matter of record; taken prisoner, he 
was thrown in irons, and carried to Genoa. Here he was detained a long 
time in prison, his captors refusing to accept any ransom. His prison was 
crowded dail}' with representatives of the nobility of the city, who came to 
hear the stories with which he had astonished Venice. At length, one of 
them prevailed upon him to write down the account of his travels. He 
consented; and sending to Venice for his papers and journals, produced the 
w'onderful record now preserved in literature. In those days, before the 
invention of printing, books were of course costly and rare articles; but the 
stories in this one were of such interest that the student who had access to 
the volume would tell them to his less fortunate companions; they again to 
others; and so on, until all Genoa knew the tale of Marco Polo, and how he 
had lived, a prisoner of their city, in that very building, and there written 
the story of what he had seen. And then, doubtless, the Genoese would talk 
among themselves of this wonderful Cathay and the island of Cipango, full of 
gold and jewels and rare woods and perfumes, and say to each other what a 
pity it was that no one should have made any effort to convert these heath- 
ens, though Kublai Khan had asked for missionaries. Then, perhaps, they 
would talk of Prester John, that wonderful Christian Prince, whose domin- 
ions were nobody knew exactly where, but to whom some messenger ought 
to be sent. Then they would get to talking of the ditiiculties in the way of 
these duties, and recount the terrors by land and by sea which would confront 
the traveler — great winged lions, giant cannibals, and tremendous sea-ser- 
pents. 

Did all this talk of far-off countries bear no fruit in Crenoa for a hundred 
and lifty years? There were many (lenoese youths who went from the city, 
about on seeing far-off lands; but until the days of Columbus there was not 
one who had an idea that India and Cathay and Cipango could be reached 
by sailing to the west. Others were content to follow; and the name of the 
one great leader is the only famous one among them all. 

In regard to the wanderings of the young men of Genoa, a historian of 
that city says that they go with the intention of returning when they shall 
have acquired the means of living comfortably and honorably in their native 
place; but, he adds, of twenty who go, scarce two return; either dying 
abroad, or marrying foreign wives and settling in their country, or finding 
some safer and more comfortable home for their declining age than their na- 
tive city. 

For a few months after his return from Pavia, the ])oy Coknnbus worked 



COLUMBUS LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 



51 



at his father's trade; but this could not last long. Soon he, too, followed 
the example of so many of his countrymen, and engaged in a seafaring life. 
His first sei'^'ice was under the command of a relative, a Colombo who had 
for some time past held the rank of an admiral. We cannot tell the de- 
gree of relationship; probably it was very distant: for, as we have seen, the 
father of the discoverer was a poor man, a mechanic. In the fifteenth cen- 
tury, a man who worked was thought very little of; quite below consider- 
ation, in fact; and perhaps the old admiral was not very proud of his poor 
relations. 



;■,■.',! ] .,v.fe^.4^.A^.:V;y^jh 




The Years of Preparation. 



Cruising in the Mediterranean was then no child's play; for there was 
scarcely a part of the sea that was not beset with pirates; petty states were 
constantly at war, and frequently their vessels would seize those whose mas- 



52 COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 

ters were not engaged in war with any one. A merchant vessel had to carry 
arms, and be ready to use them at very short notice. Columbus, however, 
was not engaged in the merchant service. A French prince, John of Anjou, 
asserted his right to the kingdom of Naples, a small state in the south of 
Italy. The republic of Genoa was an ally, and sent ships and men to his 
assistance; the war lasted for about four years, and ended in the defeat of 
John of Anjou and his father, King Reinier of Provence. 

Columbus was assigned to no small post in the fleet commanded by his rel- 
ative; boy as he was, he had dangerous work to do. He tells us of his 
being sent to rescue a galley from the harbor of Tunis. 

" It happened to me that King Reinier — whom God has taken to himself — 
sent me to Tunis, to capture the galley Fernandina, and when I arrived off 
the island of San Pedro, in Sardinia, I was informed that there were two 
ships and a carrack with the galley; by which intelligence my crew were so 
troubled that they determined to proceed no further, but to return to Mar- 
seilles for another vessel and more people; as I could not by any means 
compel them, I assented apparently to their wishes, altering the point of the 
compass and spreading all sail. It was then evening, and next morning we 
were within the Cape of Carthagena, while all were firmly of opinion that 
they were sailing towards Marseilles." 

What the sailors said when they found out that he had deceived them as 
to the direction in which they were sailing by thus altering the point of the 
compass, does not appear; nor are we told the result of the cruise into the 
harbor of Tunis; probably the same bold and resolute spirit which had out- 
witted the crew gained a victory over the enemy. We shall see after awhile 
that he again deceived a crew, and again brought the voyage, by this de- 
ception, to a successful ending. 

Now and again we find some traces of Columbus in the history of the time ; 
but it is doubtful whether the person meant was the old admiral under whom 
the discoverer sailed as a boy, or a nephew called Colombo el Mozo, the Young- 
er, or the youngest and finally by far the most famous of the three. Prob- 
ably most of the exploits recorded are to be placed to the account of the first 
or the second, for Christopher was not likely to have attracted so much at- 
tention in these years. 

It is probable that he Avas early attracted to the capital of Portugal as a 
suitable i)lace for a nuin to live who was interested in adventures and ex- 
plorations by sea; for Lisbon was then the starting-point of many great ex- 
peditions. Prince Henry of Portugal was the first prominent person to en- 
gage in the work of carrying forward discovery; and during the first half of 
the fifteenth century, under his direction, Portuguese ships had ventured 
farther and farther along the coast of what is still the Dark Continent. 
Prince Henry died in 1463; but the work of discovery to which he had given 



COLUMBUS UIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 



53 



strength still went forward ; Diaz was sent to find, in the interior of Africa, 
the king who has already been mentioned, Prester John; he found, instead, 
the Cape of Good Hope. It is worthy of remark, that Bartholomew Colum- 
bus was one of the sailors who ventured on this long voyage. 

There is a story of the manner in which Christopher Columbus first came 
to Lisbon, which may here be set down. While the story is not without 
foundation, it should be remembered that Columbus was a resident of Lis- 
bon some time before this; so that he was but returning to a place where he 
Aad lived. 




Diaz ox Hls Way to the C.U'E. 



He was in command of a vessel of the squadron under the leadership of 
Colombo el Mozo, This admiral was really little better than a pirate; and 
having heard that four richly laden galleons were on their way from Fland- 
ers, as the Low Countries were thei^ called, to Venice, he gave orders to his 
captains to lie in wait for them off the coast of Portugal, between Lisbon and 
Cape St. Vincent. There was a desperate battle; the ships were lashed and 
grappled together; the sailors fought hand to hand, now on the deck of one, 
now of the other. The vessel commanded by Columbus was grappled with 
a huge galley of the Venetian fleet, the crew of which fought with even more 



54 COLUMBrS* LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOAERY OF AMERICA. 

fierceues.s than their companions. A favorite form of warfare in that time 
consisted of throwing ticry darts and hand grenades; sometimes in throwing 
Greek fire, a nearly inextinguishable thing. Such missiles were thrown on 
this occasion; the ships took tire; they were too firndy grappled together to 
he unloosed, and burned to the water's edge, side by side, Venetian and Ge- 
noese. The crews had but one common hope of escape ; each man threw 
himself into the sea, grasping whatever wood was within reach. GoUimbus 
chanced to secure an oar, and although they were fully six miles from shore, 
succeeded in swimming to land. Thence he made his way to Lisbon, where 
lie found many of his countrymen living; perhaps he found there his brother 
Bartholomew, known for his bravery as a navigator since he had accom- 
panied Diaz in that perilous voyage far to the south, when the Cape of 
Good Hope had been discovered. Certainly he found such a welcome that 
he decided to remain there for some time to come, 

Columbus went to Portugal about the year 1470. Although at this time, 
if we accept the earliest date given for his birth, he was in the very prime of 
life, being but thirty-tive years old, his hair was as white as that of a very old 
man. In person, he Avas tall, well-formed and muscular: and he had achieved 
a victory over a naturally cpiick temper so completely as to mark his bear- 
ing with a grave and gentle dignity. Throughout his life, he had shown 
great regard for the church, strictly observing the fasts, vigils, and other 
forms of devotion prescribed by her priests; and this quality seems to have 
had fuller opportunity for development in the peaceful life at the Portu' 
guese capital than among the wild rovers of the sea. 

There is a certain convent in Lisbon, styled the Convent of All Saints, 
where 3oung ladies of rank and family Mere then, as now in similar institu- 
tions, received for instruction in all that a lady is supposed to learn at school. 
In addition to these inmates were some others, who boarded at the convent 
as a safe and proi)er shelter for women of their age and rank. One was a 
certain Dona Felipa de Perestrello, the daughter of a man who had won re- 
nown and reward as a leader of explorers in the time of Prince Henry; and 
had, indeed, colonized the island of Porto Santo, of which he had held the 
office of governor. But this very office was the cause of his ruin. It was 
conferred upon him as a reward for his long-continued services, and seemed 
to be full payment. But the colonists took some rabbits with them to the 
island; and the little animals multiplied so rapidly that before long it was 
tompletely overrun l)ythem. There was no demand for canned meats in 
those days, or knowledge of preparing them; or the unlucky colonists might 
have done as nineteenth century men have done under precisely the same 
circumstances — killed the rabbits and exported the canned Hesh, As it was, 
they fought the pests as long as they could: luit were tinally compelled to 
give up the contest, and leave the island to the ravages of the rabbits. 



COl-IMIilS I.IKK lilOFOKK TlIK DISCON EKV OF AMKHICA. .').) 

Perestrello returned to Portugal, a ruined man; for all that he had prev- 
iously acquired had been invested in property in this island. He died, leav- 
ing a widow and three daughters, one of whom, as mentioned above, was a 
boarder in this Convent of All Saints. 

The services in the chapel of this convent were regularly attended by a 
certain Genoese who had recently arrived at Lisbon ; and in some way, we 
cannot tell how, Christopher Columbus became accjuaiuted with the ruined 
governor's daughter. Of this romance of four hundred years ago, we only 
know that it began with a meeting in the convent chapel, and ended with a 
marriage in the same place. 

For a time, the newly-married couple lived with the bride's mother; and 
the husband added to the family income by making maps and charts, and il- 
luminating manuscripts. This work was not regarded then as it is now; then, 
the map-maker was a man of science and an artist combined, and was re- 
spected accordingly. It is recorded that the Venetians struck a medal in hon- 
or of one cosmographer, who had projected a universal map, esteemed the 
most accurate that had ever been made. It is also a matter of history, that 
Americus Vespucius paid a sum equivalent to $555 in our time for a "map 
of sea and land." Thus Columbus engaged in a work which was well-paid, 
and which placed the workman in a position of no small honor. 

Nor was his new life such as to hinder his advancement. His wife's father 
had left numerous notes and charts of his many voyages, and these were 
placed at his disposal, when Madam Perestrello saw that his character and 
skill justified her in so doing. Then, too, although the Perestrello family had 
become reduced to poverty, there were still many influential persons whose 
acquaintance they retained ; and by this means the Genoese wanderer re- 
ceived introductions to a higher circle than he could have reached unassisted; 
and was even received by the king himself. Once brought to their notice, 
he had no difficulty in retaining their regard by his own merits. 

In the meantime, a younger daughter of Madam Perestrello had married 
Don Pedro Correa; and he had been appointed governor of Porto Santo. 
De Belloy says that he inherited this government from his father-in-law ; but 
why the younger sister's husband should be the heir, does not appear; prob- 
ably his own influence was suflacient to procure the appointment, if the Peres- 
trellos were not against it. The two sons-in-law of the old governor appear 
to have been on excellent terms, and conversed much of the new lands which 
were constantly being discovered. Nor did Columbus only talk of them; he 
had, since his residence in Portugal, sailed occasionally in the expeditions to 
the Gulf of Guinea; and we may safely assume that he was well acquainted 
with the history of Portuguese discovery along the coast of that continent. 

Discovery was the great subject of interest in Portugal at that day ; and it was 
natural enough that when the learned map-maker Columbus was admitted 



56 ton MBl s" LIFK HKFOKE THE D1S( ON KKV OF A.MKHICA. 

to the presence of nobles and princes, that they should inquire about his 
work, and remark upon recent changes. Perhaps they listened with interest 
to his accounts of his own voyages; perhaps he now and then unfolded some 
plan by which new routes to India and Cathay might be found. Certainly 
the King looked so kindly upon him, and showed so nuicli interest in the sub- 
ject which so absorbed the stranger's attention, that he entered into con- 
versation regarding indications of lands yet undiscovered, and showed Colum- 
bus reeds as large as those which grow in India, which had been picked up 
on the coast of the Azores. 

Nor was this the only indication that there was a world beyond the waters. 
Many mariners had told of islands, seen casually in the ocean; and the peo- 
ple of the Canaries told of an island Avhich was sometimes seen, in clear 
weather, to the westward of their islands; a vast stretch of earth, diversified 
with lofty mountains and deep valleys. So persuaded wove they of the real- 
ity of this island, that they asked and obtained the permission of the King of 
Portugal to discover it. Several expeditions were actually sent out, but not 
one succeeded in reaching the island; for it had been but a singular optical 
delusion. Then arose the story of St. Brandan's Isle, an island which, it was 
said, was sometimes reached by those who set out for another port, but were 
driven from their course by storms; but could never be approached by any 
who set out with the intention of going there. This imaginary island was, 
for many years, laid down in maps as lying far to the west of the Canaries; 
and its existence was never actually disproved until the southern Atlantic 
was thoroughly explored. 

Columbus, however, appears to have been but slightly impressed by this 
talk of islands in the Atlantic. He always considered that the talk was oc- 
casioned by the existence of rocky islets, which, under certain conditions of 
the atmosphere, may assume the appearance of nuich larger and more fer- 
tile islands. Or, he reasoned, they may be floating islands, where a mass of 
earth is supported by twisted roots, and borne along by the ocean currents 
and the winds. 

More conclusive evidence was found by him in the things that had drifted 
ashore. Great pines, unlike any known in Europe, had drifted ashore; 
pieces of wood, curiously and delicately carved, but unlike the handiwork of 
any known people, had been brought by the same agency to the coast of the 
Azores and the Madeiras; and the same shores had received, from the same 
westward direction, the bodies of two men of some strange race. 
' These were the subjects on which he conversed wuth his brother-in-law, 
like himself a bold and clever seaman. Correa had seen these carvings, and 
perhaps added many a rumor to the stock of information which Colum- 
bus had gleaned from many different quarters. 

Direct testimony was not wanting. Martin Vicenti, a pilot in the service 



rOLL.MBLS LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 0< 

of the King of Portugal,- related to Columbus that after sailing four hundred 
and fift}- leagues to the west of Cape St. Vincent, he had taken from the 
water a wonderfully caned piece of wood, which must have drifted from the 
far west ; a mariner who had sailed from the port of St. Mary narrated how, 
in the course of a voyage to Ireland, he had seen land far in the west, which 
the crew took for some remote part of Tartary. 

There is also a story, which seems to have no good foundation, that a cer- 
tain pilot sought shelter in Columbus' hou.se, and finally died there, after 
having told him of an unknown land in the west, to which he had been driv- 
en by adverse winds; this pilot, says the story, left to Columbus the chart 
by which he had guided his vessel, and thus Columbus was enabled to cross 
the ocean by a path which had already been marked out, with the certainty 
of finding land at the end of his voyage. This story was mentioned by the 
first historian who gave it a place in his pages, as a vulgar, idle rumor; and 
he showed the falsity of it. Others, however, copied his summary of it, 
but not his contradiction; and a hundred and fiftj- years after it was said to 
have occurred, Garcilaso de la Vega told it, complete with names and cir- 
cumstances, as he had heard it told in his childhood by his father and other 
old men, who talked of it some seventy or eighty years after the death of the 
pilot. On such slender foundations does this attack upon the originality of 
Columbus re.-t. 

Columbus and his wife accompanied Don Pedro Correa and his wife to the 
island of Porto Santo, when the new governor went there to assume the du- 
ties of the office; and there the great navigator's eldest son, Diego, was 
born. His residence on this island was probably of but short duration; 
and was followed by voyages along the coast of Africa. In 1473 we find him 
at Savona, assisting his aged father, whom debt had compelled to flee from 
Genoa; before this time, he had contributed regularly to the support of his 
parents and the assistance of his younger brothers. 

All this time, there had been growing up in his mind the idea that it 
would be possible to reach India by sailing to the west. We have seen what 
trifles confirmed his theory that there was land beyond the Atlantic, while 
he rejected those widely-believed stories about islands that had been seen : 
this theory was drawn from a close study of the learned writers, and the re- 
ports of navigators, and the known shape of the earth. 

In the year 1474 these ideas were fully matured; but either they had not 
been unfolded to any one in Lisbon, or they had been coldly and contempt- 
uously received. Columbus determined to take the subject to the highest liv- 
ing authority upon such questions, and wrote to the learned Toscanelli, of 
Florence, submitting to him the question whether it would be possible to 
reach India by sailing in a westerly direction. Toscanelli showed his great- 
ness by appreciation of Columbus, and responded with a letter, applauding 



58 COM MIU s' lAFK BEFORE THE DISCOA ERY OF AMERICA. 

the bold and original design of the Genoese. Nor was the letter all that was 
sent; there was also a chart, drawn by Toscanelli himself, partly from the 
ancient authority of Ptolemy, and partly from the descriptions of Marco 
Polo. In this chart, India, Cathay, and the longed-for Cipango, were depicted 
as lying directly to the west of Europe, and but a short distance away. This 
was in accordance with the i)revailing idea, before noticed, that the earth w;is 
much smaller than it has since been proved to be; and both Toscanelli and 
Columbus supposed Asia to be much larger than it really is. Thus two er- 
rors coml)ined to makc^ Columbus more ready to undertake his great work; 
had he known that the earth is more than twenty-five thousand miles in cir- 
cumference, and that Cipango, as he called Japan, is half way around the 
world from the Azores, he would not, in all probability, have dared venture 
to seek India by way of the west. At any rate, Avhatever his own boldness 
might have been willing to risk, he Avould have got neither ships nor men 
from any safe and prudent prince. 

Why slu)uld Columbus attach so nuich impoilance to I'caching India by a 
shorter and safer route than any which was then usedV His purpose was 
founded upon the deeply religious chai'acter of his mind. Vi'v Inive seen that 
Kublai Khan reijuested the Pope to send a hun(h-ed ieai'iied men to instruct 
his courtiers in the Christian religion ; this had never been done. Again, much 
wealth might be gained by trading Avith these countries; and while the many 
wars for the recovery of the Holy Land from the Mohammedans had failed, 
it might be that the country of Palestine could be bought from them, if a 
sufficiently large juice were offered. This motive explains many things in 
the life of Columbus which otherwise Avould not be clear. 

This plan was complete in his mind befoi-e MH); au<l in that year he Avent 
to his native city and offered to conduct a fleet from (ienoa across the Avest- 
ern ocean to the land of Kublai Khan. P)ut the world avms not yet ready 
for the idea thus laid befoie it; and the Councilois of (icnoa, wrapping 
their furred mantles around them, re})lie(l with courteous dignity that their 
city had been too much impoverished l)y her numerous wars to undertake 
any such expensive enterprise. 

Disajipointed, but not disheartened, Columl)us Avent to A'oiice, and made 
.the same offer, only to meet Avith the same reception. He seems to liaAc 
perceived, in this second refusal, that it was useless for liim to talk more 
about it for the present; so, after a short visit to his father at Sasona, he 
again Avent to sea. 

His voyage in this year 14m Avas in a new direction — to the far northwest. 
This is the record Avhich he has left of his visit to Iceland, of which the 
Norsemen have made much: — 

" In the year 1477, in February. I navigated one hundred leagues beyond 
Tliule. the southern part of Avhich is seventy-three degrees distant from tlie 



COLl'MBls" LIFK BEFOKK IHF. DISCOVKRY OF AMKRICA. 59 

equator, and not f«ixty-three, a.s sonic pretend; neither is it situated within 
the line which includes" the west of Ptolemy, but is much more westerly. 
The English, principalh' those of Bristol, go with their merchandise to this 
island, which is as large as England. When I was there the sea was not 
frozen, and the tides were so great as to rise and fall twenty-six fathoms." 
It is sometimes claimed that Columbus must have heard, during the course 
of this voyage, of the journeys of the Norsemen to Viuland and neighbor- 
ing countries. Even if he did, if he read all the sagas that tell of their ad- 
ventures, the knowledge thus gained only confirmed his theory, without de- 
ti'acting from the greatness of his discovery; he intended to find a new 
route to India; these lands which had been discovered had nothing in com- 
mon with the thickly populated, Avealthy and highly civilized domains of 
Kublai Khan. The Norsemen had never reached India. 

But while Columbus spoke several of the languages of the south of Eu- 
rope, we have no assurance that he was able to communicate with the 
Icelanders in their own tongue; and it is more than doubtful whether he 
ever heard of Vinlaud the Good. 

Upon his return to the south, he did not push his project for some time; 
perhaps he had already laid it before the King of Portugal and received no 
encouraging answer; but of this we have no record. In 1481, the old King 
died, and was succeeded by his son, John II., a young man in his tweuty-tifth 
year. Perhaps Columbus hoped from the adventurous daring of youth 
what he could not find in the prudence of the old King; at any rate, he laid 
his plans before the young ruler. 

There was another reason why Columbus should be bolder in pressing his 
desires than before ; there was an invention recently perfected which en- 
abled the mariner to shape his course with more certainty, since by means 
of this instrument he could readily ascertain his distance from the equator. 
This was the astrolabe, w*hich has since been discarded for the quadrant and 
sextant. It was intended to show the altitude of the sun, and by this means 
to fix the latitude. 

It must be remembered that for a hundred years Portugal had been fore- 
most in discovery and exploration; such had been the liberalit}' of her re- 
wards for successful navigators, that men of all nations had been attracted 
to her service; learned men had been gathered from all quarters to pass 
upon the value of the information which might be brought back by the dar- 
ing sailors; and skilled cosmographers were busy at Lisbon making maps 
and charts which embodied this information. It might well be thought that 
this, of all others, was the country where Columbus, whose home had so 
long been within its borders, would meet with appreciation, and with that 
assistance which he sought. 

So Columbus hoped, as he patiently awaited the decision of the King, who 



GO COLUJrBls" lAVV) I'.KI'OKK Till', J)ISf()\'K[n' or A.MKKK \. 

had listened to him with the cU)sest attention. The arguments of the navi- 
gator strongly impressed the royal mind; but when it came to proposing 
terms, the monarch recoiled from the adventurer with surprise and dismay; 
for Columbus, believing that he had a world to bestow, demanded rank and 
honor and wealth in exchange for it. 

King John referred the matter to three persons who were in general charged 
with all matters relating to maritime discovery. These were two noted cos- 
mographers, and the Bishop of Ceuta, who was also the King's confessor. 
These learned men heard all the arguments of Columbus, and returned 
their answer to the King: he was an extravagant and idle dreamer. 

Still the King was not satistied; he convoked his great council, composed 
of prelates and the most learned men in the kingdom; and laid before them 
the proposition which had been condemned by the three special advisers. 
Two views were taken of the subject of maritime discovery; the Bishop of 
Ceuta maintained that the country had enough to do without engaging in 
any more such ventures; his opponents replied that Portugal had won hon- 
or and glory and extended her dominion by this means, and should not hesi- 
tate to continue the work until a passage to India should be reached. But 
this passage to India was to be by way of the Cape, they thought : and the 
project of Columbus was almost wholly ignored. 

Thus it had been condemned a second time; but still the King seemed to 
long to help him. Seeing this, the wily Bishop advised that means be taken 
to ascertain privately the value of the theory; should the King grant ships 
and men, and the adventurer turn out to have been but an idle dreamer, Portu- 
gal would be the laughing-stock of all who heard of it ; but if a small expedi- 
tion be sent out privately, it could be soon told what was the value of the 
idea, without committing the dignity of the crown ; if it should turn out that 
Columbus was right, the King could, out of his royal generosity, reward him. 
though not, of course, at the extravagant rate which the adventurer had 
fixed. This advice suited the King very well; and Columbus was accordingly 
informed that the matter Avas still under consideration: that the King was 
not yet ready to give him a definite answer. 

While he was yet awaiting the answer, he learned that some sailors, who 
liad lately taken part in some mysterious expedition, were ridiculing him and 
his ideas. He resolved to search them out, and find what they really knew of 
I the subject. He found them, and learned that they had been sent out by the 
King to see if there really was a path to India across the ocean; but storms 
had arisen; the ocean had proved impassable; they told of dreadful things 
opposing theii*further progress; and had been only too glad when the winds 
beat them back to the shores of Portugal. 

We do not read that Columbus said anything to these sailors; only that he 
decided at once to leave Portugal. He declined positively to treat with 



COLLMm s' LllE BEFORE THE DISCOVEKY OF AMERICA. 61 

King John any further; though the King, when he saw that the poor adven- 
turer who had asked his assistance was angry at the trick that had been 
played him, made some effort to detain him in Portugal still longer. Dona 
Felipa was dead; there Avas but one tie which still bound him to Portugal — 
his little son; but father and son could roam the world together. His re- 
solve was soon taken. His brother Bartholomew was dispatched to Eng- 
land to seek for aid there ; and secretly, lest he should be prevented by the 
King, or, as some authorities say, by his creditors, Columbus and his little 
son left Portugal, to return no more. 

Of the countries of modern Europe, Russia was then almost unknown; 
certainly no one would think of journeying to its distant capital to ask help 
of its half-savage sovereign in any such enterprise. What is now Prussia 
was then a number of small independent states, frequently at war with each 
other. England was desolated by fifty years of civil war — the Wars of the 
Roses — which had just ended with the marriage of the heir of one line with 
the heiress of the other. King Henry VII. might render the wished-for aid, 
but Columbus seems to have had small hopes from this quarter. France 
was in a little more prosperous condition, though her King was much ham- 
pered by his nobles, who were more independent of him than he was of them. 
Italy consisted of a great number of small states, several of which he look- 
ed upon with hope, as not unlikely to give ships and men for this purpose. 
Spain was engaged in war with the IMoors within her very borders ; and 
hence could ill afford anything which would drain her treasury. 

Italy was the most promising; and Columbus carried his plans there, sub- 
mitting them to Venice again. But they were declined, on account of the 
critical state of aifairs there. The poverty and unsettled condition of the 
other states warned him that what Venice would not, they could not give; 
and he went to Spain. 

But it was not to the court. He laid his plan first before a wealthy noble, 
the Duke of Medina Celi, whose estates were like principalities, and whose 
retainers were an army in themselves. This powerful and wealthy noble lis- 
tened with attention to the navigator, and saw how reasonable was the thing 
which he proposed. His kinsman, the Duke of Medina Sidonia, warned him 
that the promises which Columbus made were too splendid to be true, and 
that the stranger was only an Italian visionary; but he refused to be con- 
vinced of this. He entertained Columbus for some time in his house, and 
made himself thoroughly master of the project. He gave orders that four 
caravels which lay in his harbor of Port St. Mary should be made ready for 
sea; and it seemed to Columbus that he was on the very threshold of 
succesa. 

Suddenly, however, the Duke changed his mind; he saw that the empire 
which Columbus promised to give the promoter of this enterprise was too 



62 COLUMBI.'S' I.IFH P.KFOHK TICK DISCOVERY Ol' AMERICA. 

great for any subject to hold; perhaps he foresaw wars against his sove- 
reigns, should he try to hold it; such wealth was too great for any but a sove- 
reign prince. On the other hand, should Columbus fail, it would still be 
known at what he had aimed ; and the Duke of Medina Celi would be an 
object of suspicion forever to his King and Queen, as having aspired to do- 
minion wdiich they had not given. 

Columbus now determined to apply to France for help; but the Duke, 
disliking to see such advantages offered to a rival power before Spain had 
been allowed to decide upon them, wrote to the Queen, recommending it. 
A favorable reply was received, and Columbus was invited to the court. 

Before the middle of the eleventh century, Sancho the Great, Emperor of 
Spain, had divided his dominions, at his death, among his four sons. Na- 
varre remained an independent kingdom for a longer time than the others; 
Castile and Leon were re-united shortly' after this division ; Arragon re- 
mained apart. In addition to these kingdoms, there was another monarchy 
in Spain, which had grown up during the eighth century. The early Mo- 
hammedans had been possessed with a thirst for the conquest and conversion 
of the world; they had overrun many countries, offering the inhabitants the 
Koran or the sword; and one army of Arabs had even established themselves 
in Spain, making their capital at Cordova. There was war, nearly constant, 
between them and the various Christian kingdoms; but the latter, being un- 
able to unite among themselves, even for the expulsion of the infidels from 
their country, did not accomplish as much as they might have done. But the 
Mohammedans were hard pressed, notwithstanding; and in time had to call 
to their assistance the Moors. The Arab kingdom, wdiich had its capital at 
Cordova, was finally overthrown; but in its place was established a Moorish 
kingdom, with its capital at Granada. 

The Christian kingdoms preserved a distinct ei.istence, their fortunes vary- 
ing with the character of their kings, until, in 14(39, Isabella, the sister of the 
King of Castile and Leon, and heiress to its crown, married Ferdinand, heir 
of Arragon. When they succeeded to the crowns of the two kingdoms, the 
united realms Avere called Spain; but for some time each was independent 
sovereign of the hereditary kingdom. They were rulers, bound by the strict- 
est kind of alliance, but Isabella was no more Queen of Arragon than Fer- 
dinand was King of Castile and Leon. It is necessary to remind the reader 
of this, that we may understand more clearly the part which each of these 
two sovereigns took in the expedition which discovered America. 

When Columbus first went to the court of Spain, he was the bearer of a 
letter from the Duke of INIedina Celi, who asked, that since he had resigned 
the pleasure of this undertaking in favor of the royal pair, he might yet have 
a share in the expedition, should it be carried into effect, ^,nd +he armament 
be fitted out from his port of St. Mary. 




Isabella ix Armor. 



64 COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERV OF AMERICA. 

But it was not a good time to solicit aid from the Spanish rulers; they had 
entered upon a war with the kingdom of Granada which was intended to be 
final; they would not cease until the Moors had been driven from Spain. 
Columbus arrived at Cordova, where the royal forces were encamped; and 
his arrival was made known to the sovereigns. By their command, he was 
given in charge to the treasurer of Castile, Alonzo de Quintauilla; but the 
Queen was too busily engaged in military preparations to receive him. 

The scene was one which might have delighted any of the old romancers; 
the " marshalling in arms " meant the burnishing of spear and shield, the 
arraying of knights in full armor, mounted on horses cased in steel. The 
Queen herself wore a magnificent suit of plate armor, with an ermined man- 
tle hanging from her shoulders, and the greaves half concealed beneath a 
flowing garment covered with the richest embroidery. Some few cannon 
there may have been, and a very few muskets of antique fashion; but they 
yvere almost as dangerous to the men who fired them as they were to those 
at whom they were aimed. 

In the midst of all this glitter of shield and sword and spear, the. church- 
men mingled; some in the dark robes which we naturally associate with 
their calling, others in the more gorgeous costumes of the higher ranks, even 
to the scarlet of the cardinal. There was nothing brilliant, or striking, oi- 
magnificent, or romantic, that we connect with the idea of war in the mid- 
dle ages, but what was present in this picture, as Columbus saw it, late in 
the spring of 1486. 

The King marched off, to lay siege to a Moorish city; the Queen remained 
in Cordova, but so busily engaged in dispatching troops hither and thither, 
and sending military supplies where they were needed, that she had not a 
moment to devote to Columbus. Then she w^ent to the very midst of the 
war, and remained there, superintending in person the movements of her 
armies. Returning to Cordova to celebrate their victories, wdiich, however, 
were not yet conclusive, the two sovereigns Avere almost immediately called 
upon to go to a distant province, to suppress a rebellion which there threat- 
ened the crown. The royal pair passed the winter in Salamanca. 

Meanwhile, Columbus was well entertained in the house of Quintanilla, 
where he made many friends for himself and his theories. Perhaps the most 
valuable of these friends were the Geraldini brothers, one of Avhom was the 
Pope's Nuncio, while the other was the preceptor of the younger children 
of Ferdinand and Isabella. It was during this time, also, that he became 
acquainted with Dona Beatrix Enriquez, the inothei- of his second son, Fer- 
nando, afterwards his biographer. 

Columbus followed the court to Salamanca, and his friend Quintanilla 
made great efforts to obtain for him the friendship of Mendoza, Archbish()|i 
of Toledo, without whose advice the King and Queen did little of import- 



COLUMBUS LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERV OF AMERICA. 



65 



auce. He was a man of sound judgment and quick understanding; and 
although he knew but little of the science of geography, readily gave audi- 
ence to the 2^rotege of Quintanilla. At first, it seemed to him that the the- 
ory of Columbus was opposed to the direct statements of Scripture as to the 
form of the earth; but being convinced that this was not so, he admitted 
that there could be nothing wrong in seeking to extend the bounds of human 
knowledge. He was pleased with Columbus himself , whom he at once saw 
to be free from the vanity which attends the small mind, and wholly wrap- 
ped up in his subject. He saw that the navigator urged no wild dream, but 
a theory based on extensive knowledge and careful thought; and he con- 
sented to bring the matter to the attention of the sovereigns. 




"^'Sl/uVpai//- 



COLUMBUS IN THE RoYAL PRESENCE. 



Probably Isabella was not present at the first interview which was granted 
Cohinibiis by Ferdinand ; one of liis ])iogrnj)]iei"s distinctly says that he did 



(•<)Li;-MBi;,s" LIFE BEFOKE THE DhSCON'EIiV OF AMERICA. 67 

not see the Queeii until the siege of Malaga, which took place some time after 
this interview; but although not admitted to an interview, he surely must have 
seen her while in Cordova. Be this as it may, Ferdinand received him, and 
listened, coolly and warily, to all that he had to say; reserving his decision 
with characteristic caution, until he had heard the opinions of the learned 
men of his kingdom. His ambition was excited by the thought of what might 
, be done for Spain, were this dreamer to work out the fulhllment of his vis- 
ions; and he foresaw that Portugal, which had labored so long to establish 
a road to India around the Cape of Good Hope, would be forestalled in her 
anticipations of commercial gains if this Genoese adventurer should succeed in 
finding a shorter, more direct passage across the Atlantic. Still, the opin- 
ions of the learned must be considered before the King could give any 
definite answer. 

During the progress of the congress which was held at Salamanca for this 
purpose, Columbus was lodged and entertained with the magnificence due 
to a guest of the King, at the college convent of St. Stephen, a house of 
the great Dominican order. It was here that the conference was held; and 
the men gathered to decide the great question were mainly churchmen, since 
few of the laity had any learning. 

"What a striking spectacle must the hall of the old convent have pre- 
sented at this memorable conference! A simple mariner, standing forth in 
the midst of an imposing array of professors, friars, and dignitaries of the 
church; maintaining his theory with natural eloquence, and, as it were, 
pleading the cause of the New World. We are told that when he began to 
state the grounds of his belief, the friars of St. Stephen's alone paid 
any attention to him ; that convent being more learned in the sciences than 
the rest of the university. The others appear to have entrenched themselves 
behind one dogged position that, after so many profound cosmographers 
and philosoi^hers had been studying the form of the world, and so many 
able navigators had been sailing about it for several thousand years, it was 
great presumption in an ordinary man to suppose that there remained such 
a vast discovery for him to make." — Irving. 

But there were other and more definite objections than this. We pass 
over some which will readily suggest themselves, as being reasonable in this 
time; and state a few of those which show the ignorance and prejudice of 
these learned men, chosen to assist the King with their knowledge: — 

It is a piece of great foolishness to think that there can be such a thing 
as an antipode; can people walk with their feet upward, as flies cling to 
the ceiling of a room? Is there a part of the earth where the sky is beneath 
all, where rain and hail ascend, and where the trees grow downward with 
their branches? Certainly not, said these wise men; and shook their learned 
heads at Columbus. 



68 COIAMBI!^" LIFE lUOFOKK THK l)lSC<yVKRV OK AMKRICA. 

Again, they quoted St. Augustine to prove that the ideas advanced by 
Columbus were in direct contradiction to the Scriptures. To maintain that 
there are inhabited lands across the ocean is to sup})ose that there are men 
who are not descended from Adam; since these supposed Aborigines could 
never have crossed the sea. 

Again, the .Bible says that the heavens are stretched about the earth like 
a tent; how could this be possible, and yet allow free passage around it? 
Certainly, the earth must be flat. 

Those who maintained this knew considerably more of theolog}' and such 
subjects than they did of geography. There were others, who "were quite 
willing to admit that the earth is round, who yet had other objections to 
urge. One of these was, that the insufferable heat of the Torrid Zone would 
make it quite impossible to cross the ocean in the direction indicated. Even 
granting that this should be passed, they claimed that the circumference of 
the earth is so great that it would require three years to reach the land on 
the other side of the ocean — an error curiously differing from the error of 
Columbus, who supposed the earth to be smaller than it actually is. 

Again, the Greek philosopher, Epicurus, was quoted to prove that only 
half of the world Avas habitable; that the sky extended over no more; and 
that the remainder was a w^aste of waters, a chaos, a gulf. 

Others argued that even if a ship should succeed in reaching India, the 
return voyage would be impossil)le; for the waters would then rise like a 
kind of mountain, since the earth was round, and he could not be so foolish 
as to think of sailing up-hill. 

It must have taxed the patience or Columbus to listen to such arguments 
as these, and reflect that the fate of his enterprise, so far as help from Spain 
was concerned, lay in the hands of men who knew so little about the sub- 
ject. He kept his temper, however, and answered gravely and respectfully 
as the arguments were pressed : the sacred writers, he said, were speaking 
in figures adapted to the comprehension of men before science had made 
any advancement; the commentaries of the fathers, he contended, were not 
intended as scientific treatises, and hence it was unnecessary to speak of them, 
either to support or refute; he showed that the most illustrious of the an- 
cient philosophers believed both hemispheres of the globe to be habitable, 
although separated from each other by that impassable Torrid Zone; but he 
had himself voyaged to the Gulf of Guinea, which is almost directly under 
the Equator, and could thus assure them from his own experience that the 
Torrid Zone abounded in fruits and population, instead of being uninhabit- 
able. 

But as he argued with them, he forgot the petty objections which they had 
urged, and poured forth such eloquence as they had never listened to be- 
fore; and surely, outside of religion, no man ever had such a grand subject. 



COLUMBUs' LIFE BEFORK THE DISCOVEKY OF AMERICA. 69 

It may be said that he was not speaking wholly of the things of this world; 
for he called upon them as Christians to send the missionaries of ttie Cross 
to these millions awaiting them in far Cathay. A more sacred duty even than 
this, according to the ideas of the times, called them; the Holy Sepulchre 
was in the hands of the infidels; this scheme offered the means of redeem- 
ing it, and placing it once more within the control of Christian princes. 

How many converts were made by this eloquence? We have the record 
of but one, Diego de Deza, then the professor of theology in the convent 
where the conference was held, and afterward Archbishop of Seville, a 
church dignitary of Spain who is second only to the Archbishop of Toledo. 
By his efforts many of the churchmen were brought to give the matter a 
more dispassiotaate hearing; he removed many of their prejudices, founded 
on a mistaken belief regarding the meaning of the Scriptures and the com- 
mentaries of the fathers; in short, he repeated, with all the force which only 
a churchman in good standing could give to an argument in that time, the 
reasoning which Columbus had already used, but which was not regarded 
from the lips of a layman. Thus in making one convert he made a host. 

What was the result of the conference? It may be stated in a single word 
— nothing. Spite of the eloquence of Columbus, seconded as it was by that of 
Deza, there were too many narrow-minded, ignorant, prejudiced men in that 
assemblage, for the question to be fairly considered on its merits ; and although 
there were several meetings, the decision was put off from time to time, un- 
til the court left Salamanca for Cordova, in preparation for the spring 
campaign. 

We are not to understand that Columbus spent this waiting time idly, or 
even engaged in study; several times, during the course of the campaign, he 
would be summoned to attend a conference with the sovereigns, and would 
be led into the very heart of the country where the war was going on; but 
before he had reached the point designated, the fortunes of war would have 
carried the King or Queen to another place, and the conference would be in- 
definitel}' postponed. 

The siege of Malaga took place between the spring and summer of 1487, 
the town surrendering in August. It was during this siege that a fanatic 
Moor tried to assassinate Ferdinand and Isabella, but mistook two of their 
courtiers for the persons of the King and Queen; the wounds, fortunately, 
were not fatal. The fortunes of Columbus were doubly imperilled by this 
act; for not only had Isabella, who afterward proved the friend that he 
sought, been threatened by the blow, but it had actually fallen upon the 
Marchioness of Moya, who pleaded his cause before the Queen when it came 
to be considered. 

The campaign ended with the fall of Malaga, and the court returned to 
Cordova; but still the plans of Columbus were not to be considered by the 



70 COIJMIU s" 1,1 FK J'.KFOKi: THK DISCOVKKY OF AMKIMCA. 

sovereigns. Just at the time when they might have had leisure to do so, the 
phigue broke out in Cordova, and the court was driven from the city. 

While he was thus engaged in following up a court which was continually 
moving from one place to another, and which found its soU' interest in the war 
which it was prosecuting, Columbus received a letter from King John of 
Portugal, inviting him to return to Lisbon, and assuring him that he should 
not be molested by any suits of either a civil or criminal nature. What was 
the offense which Columbus had committed against the laws of Portugal it 
was impossible to determine; probably it was a debt which remained unpaid; 
for it will be remembered that long after this date there was such a thing 
as imprisonment for debt; and suits of this kind were sometimes converted 
into criminal prosecutions. 

But no matter in what way he had rendered himself liable to the laws of 
Portugal, he evidently had no intention of returning to that country. King 
John had proved himself utterly untrustworthy, and Columbus declined the 
offer thus made him. He also received a letter from Henry VII. of Eng- 
land, which country his brother Bartholomew had reached after long delay, 
holding out promises of encouragement. 

Probably these things reached the ears of King Ferdinand, and he saw 
that something must be done to prevent Columl)us from accepting the of- 
fers. Certainly he summoned the navigator to ai)pear before a conference 
of learned men, to be held in the city of Seville; a royal order was issued, 
providing for his lodging and entertainment in that city; the Castllian treas- 
urer had been directed to pay him a certain sum of money, probably to ])ro- 
vide for his expenses to the city of Seville; and the magistrates of all 
towns through which he might pass were commanded to furnish him with 
entertainment, since the miserable inns did not afford titting accommoda- 
tions. 

But again, as so often before, the conference was delayed by war. This 
time, however, we tind Columbus, not patiently following the court about, 
and waiting for a hearing, but actually " fighting, giving })r()ofs of the dis- 
tinguished valoi' which accom})anied his wisdom and his lofty desires." 

His religious ardor received new strength during the course of this cam- 
jiaign Two friai-s of the cojivent established in Jerusalem, came as messen- 
gers to P\n-dinand and Isabella, to tell what threats the Grand Soldan of 
P^gypt had made, if the Spanish sovereigns did not end their war against the 
Mohammedans of Spain. He would put to death all the Christians in his 
dominions, raze their churches and convents, and utterly destroy the Holy 
Sepulchre and all oilier })laces esteemed sacred by the Christians. 

It was imj)ossi))le for the Spaniards to give up the war; for it had come to 
be a question of life and d(>ath IxM ween the ^loorisli and the Christian king- 
doms; it was imj)ossible for both to continue in Spain. Isabella, howevei-, 



COLUMBUS' LIFT. BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 71 

granted a perpetual annual gift of a thousand ducats in gold for the main- 
tenance of the convent, and sent a veil embroidered by herself to be hung 
before the shrine; then, dismissing the friars, turned to the prosecution of 
the war again. 

But their coming, and the message which they brought, had a great effect 
upon the minds of many soldiers of high rank; and particularly was Colum- 
bus alf eeted by it ; it was a new and stronger proof than ever of the need of 
finding the rich regions of the east, and bringing home treasure enough to pur- 
chase the Holy Sepulchre from the heathen who so persecuted Christians. 

Again we find a similar series of events filling the next year. Finally, in 
the spring of 1401, Columbus determined that he would wait no longer; he 
pressed for a reply to his suit. With some difficulty, the King was persuaded 
to tell Bishop Talavera that the learned men who had been so long in con- 
ference must render their decision. Their answer was ready, after some de- 
lay, and the King was gravely informed that the proposed scheme was vain 
and impossible, and that it did not become such great princes to engage in 
an enterprise of the kind on such weak grounds as had been advanced. 

Not all the members of the conference agreed in this report, however; 
there was what, in modern parlance, is called a minority report as well; and 
this, fortunately for Columbus, was rendered by Fray Diego de Deza, tutor 
to Prince Juan, who had access to the ear of the King and Queen when others 
were denied. But the most favorable answer that even this suitor could ob- 
tain was a message that the expenses of the long war had been so great that 
the King and Queen could not now engage in any new enterprise demanding 
money and men. 

Disheartened at this message, Columbus repaired to court, to learn from 
Ferdinand and Isabella themselves if this was really the answer they meant 
to give him, after keeping him waiting their pleasure for so many years. 
When he found that it was so, he thought that it was but a polite way of tell- 
ing him that they considered his schemes impracticable and visionary, and 
that they consequently had no intention of assisting him. He accordingly re- 
solved that he would leave Spain at once, and seek in the court of France the 
aid which had been refused him by the Most Catholic King. 

Before he went, however — and a journey from Spain to France was some- 
thing of an undertaking then — he must see and talk with Don Pedro Correa, 
who, it will be remembered, had married one of the Perestrello sisters, and 
was therefore, by courtesy, brother-in-law to Columbus; and who had been 
one of those Avhocomnmnicated to the future discoverer what signs of land 
to the west of the ocean had been perceived, from time to time, by those ac- 
quainted with the Avestern islands. He set out on foot; for his stock of 
money, never large, must be carefully husbanded; he could not tell when he 
should have anv more. 



COLUMBU.-*" LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 73 

He was not alone onjthis journey: his son Diego, who was probably not 
more than fifteen years old, accompanied him; three-year-old Fernando, we 
may conjecture, remained in Cordova with his mother. We may easih- 
imagine the picture — father and son toiling along the lonely road from Sev- 
ille to Huelva, near the little seaport of Palos de Moguer. 

Half a league outside the walls of the last-named town, there is still stand- 
ing an ancient convent of the Franciscan order, dedicated to Santa Maria de 
Rabida. Before its gates, one day four hundred years ago, a stranger, lead- 
ing a boy by the hand, stopped, and asked for some bread and water for the 
child. There was nothing unusual in the request; for at that time there were 
no inns of any kind; and the traveler expected to find lodging and food in 
the castle or the convent. The request was granted as a matter of course; 
and while the child ate and drank, the prior of the convent, who chanced 
by, entered into a conversation with the father, whose plain garments did 
not conceal the evident distinction of the wearer. 

The prior had taken much interest in geographical and nautical science ; 
for the seaport of Palos sent many enterprising navigators out to explore 
unknown paths upon the ocean; but the stranger opened a new line of 
thought to him. India could be reached by sailing westward across the 
ocean, and there were no insuperable diflSculties in the way — that was the 
wonderful idea which the stranger unfolded to the prior, Juan Perez de Mar- 
chena. 

But the wanderer had more to tell than that he had conceived this idea. 
He told of long and patient waiting for help from the sovereigns of Spain, 
and their decision that the fulfillment of his hopes from them must be indefin- 
itely postponed ; and he told the prior how, disappointed, but not wholly 
disheartened, sure that the truth which he alone saw would be apparent to 
others could he but point it out, he was now on his way to the court of 
France, to offer to Charles VHI. the wonderful things which Ferdinand and 
Isabella had refused to accept from him. 

The good prior was dismayed to find that these things were to be lost to 
Spain; it must be that the petition of Columbus had not been rightly pre- 
sented. He knew of a power which he himself possessed; he had once been 
confessor to Queen Isabella, and knew that he could reach her ear at any 
time. But before he ventured to appeal to her — and his caution shows why 
the appeal was listened to when it was made — he determined not to trust 
altogether to his own judgment, which might have been led astray by the 
wonderful eloquence of the stranger. He accordingly detained Columbus 
and his son as his guests, and sent for his friend, Garcia Fernandez, a phy- 
sician of Palos. 

Fernandez came: and Columbus again explained his belief and aims. Like 
the prior, the physician was impressed by the boldness and originality of the 



74 COLUMHls" LIFE BKKORE I UK 1)IS(()\EKV OK AMERICA. 

inarinor; and listened eagerly to all that he had to .say. But other friends 
must be found for him; the question must be submitted to the judgment of 
practical sailors, many of whom Mere to be found in Palos. Several veter- 
ans of the sea were invited to the convent, to talk with the mariner who had 
lately come there; one of these was Martin Alonzo Pinzon, the head of a 
family of rich and experienced seamen, who had made many adventurous ex- 
peditions. 

Kemembering how the Portuguese had won fame and wealth by voyages 
of discovery along the African coast, these experienced mariners saw no 
I'eason why, under the leadership of a man daring and original enough to 
l)lan and lead such an expedition, new worlds might not be opened up in an- 
other direction. What had been to churchmen a stumbling-block, and to 
philosophers foolishness, was to these practical, brave and generous sailors 
the highest wisdom. Pinzon, particularly, was so impressed with the genius 
of Columbus, that he offered to take part in such an expedition when it 
should be organized; and in the meantime, if Columbus would but renew 
his application to the Spanish court, to defray the expenses connected with 
doing so. 

The prior begged Columbus to remain in the convent until an answer 
could be received from the Queen ; and dispatched a letter to her by a trusty 
messenger. It was not difficult to prevail upon Columbus to stay; for he 
dreaded to be put off in France as he had already been in Spain. 

The Queen was at Santa Fe; and the messenger required only fourteen 
days for the journey of something like four hundred miles from Palos and 
return. Isabella had always been more favorably disposed toward Colum- 
bus than the wary and cold Ferdinand; and she now wrote kindly, bidding 
Perez come to court, leaving Christopher Columbus in confident hope until 
he should hear further from her. The prior at once set out, late at night as 
it was when the messenger returned; and alone, riding his good mule, the 
steed which the ideas of the day assigned to churchmen, he traversed the 
conquered territory of Granada, and entered the presence of the Queen. 

The friar pleaded the cause of Columbus eloquently and fearlessly. Be- 
fore this time, it is probable that Isabella had never heard the case fully 
stated; for it is Ferdinand whom we find active in receiving the reply of the 
learned conference, and deciding upon the case. The Queen listened with 
'such interest that Perez felt great hopes of the result, even before she com- 
manded Columbus to return to court; and, with a true w^omanly attention to 
details, ordered that a sum equal, at the present day, to about three hundred 
dollars of United States money, be sent him for the expenses of the journey. 

The arrival of Columbus at the Spanish court was marked by what the 
men of that day considered one of the most important events in the history 
of Spain — the final downfall of the Mohammedan power in that country, 



COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 75 

and the surrender of the capital city of the Moors, Granada, to Ferdinand 
and Isabella. It was indeed an eventful time when Columbus arrived, for he 
came to offer still more extended empire, and multiplied wealth, to Spain ; 
he came, bringing in his hands the gift of a New World. 

We shall not dwell, as Irving does, upon the glittering magnificence of the 
scene of surrender at Granada; nor upon the rejoicings which followed it. 
Columbus obtained a hearing, and commissioners were appointed to consider 
the case. But his demands appeared to them exorbitant; this penniless for- 
eign adventurer demanded that he should be created admiral and viceroy of 
the provinces which he should discover, and receive one-tenth of all gains, 
either by trade or conquest. The proud Spanish nobles looked coldly upon 
the man who sought to raise himself to their rank, and remarked that it 
was a shrewd arrangement which he wished to make ; having nothing to lose, 
he demanded, in case of success, rank, honor and enormous wealth. Co- 
lumbus, nettled by the sneer, promptly offered to defray one-eighth of the 
cost of the expedition, if he might enjoy one-eighth of the profits. He had 
friends in Palos, he knew, who believed in him and his enterprise; and Mar- 
tin Alonzo Pinzou, if all others failed him, would bear him out in this 
proposition to the royal commissioners. 

By Talavera's advice, the Queen declined to accept his terms : and offered 
conditions which, while more moderate, were yet advantageous and honor- 
able; but Columbus would not yield an inch; and mounting a mule which he 
had bought for the journey from Palos to Santa Fe, he rode forth again, 
once more to seek the French court. 

But although Columbus had failed to convince Ferdinand and his more 
generous, enthusiastic wife, he had made many friends about the court who 
appreciated his powers of mind to the full. One of these was Luis de St. 
Angel, receiver of the ecclesiastical revenues of Arragon. Like others of 
high rank and place, he was tilled with dismay at seeing the great man de- 
part from Spain, to throw into the lap of another country what had been 
wantonly rejected by Arragon and Castile; and he had the courage to tell 
Isabella what he thought. He pictured not only the enormous addition to 
her revenue and dominions, as well as her fame among rulers; but he told, 
with impassioned fervor, of the religious aspect of the enterprise. He 
painted the millions in the realms of Kublai Khan, waiting eagerly to receive 
the gospel; and then prophesied of the honor in which they would hold 
the name of her who should carve out a path for the missionaries of the 
Cross to reach them. He showed what more this discovery might do for the 
exaltation of the Church ; how the boundless riches of Cathay would buy the 
Holy Sepulchre from the Mohammedans, and the most sacred spots on 
earth be forever free to the feet of the pilgrim. He told her how sound and 
practicable were the plans of Columbus ; that they had received the endorse- 



76 COLUMBUS' LIFE BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 

meut of veteran mariners; and that he was no idle visionary, but a man of 
wide scientific knowledge and .sound practical judgment. He told her that 
failure would bring uo disgrace upon her; for it was the business of princes 
to investigate such great questions as this; and then informed her that the 
expense of the expedition, of which so much had been said, would amount 
to no more than two vessels and about two thousand^ crowns. 

Isabella listened with renewed interest; but Ferdinand was at her side, 
ready to oppose any such unwise scheme. The war had drained the treas- 
ury of the united kingdoms; they must wait until it had been replenished. 
But Isabella was too deeply interested in the advancement of the Church; 
though she was the -wife of Ferdinand, she was also Quoon-Regnant of Cas- 
tile and Leon, a kingdom equal in importance and wealth to Arragon. 

"I undertake the enterprise," she answered St. Angel, after a short in- 
terval of suspense, "for my own crown of Castile, and will pledge my jew- 
els to raise the money for it." 

It is because of this speech on the part of the Queen that the famous verse 

reads: — 

" To Castile and Leon Columbus gave a new world."" 

Ferdinand had neither part nor lot in the enterprise. It is true that Isa- 
bella did not find it necessary to pledge her jewels to raise the necessary 
funds; that the sum required was taken from the treasury of Arragon; for 
that was not so emptied by the war as the King had implied; but the credit 
of the kingdom of Castile and Leon was pledged to repa}' this debt, and it 
was afterward repaid in full. 

Columbus had journeyed about two leagues — six miles — on his way back 
to Palos, thence to France, when this decision was reached. It was not 
known whether he had actually set out or not; but when this was found to 
be the case, a courier was dispatched to summon him back to Santa Fe. He 
did not return Avithout hesitation ; for his hopes had been raised often be- 
fore this; but he was told that the Queen had now positively promised to 
undertake the enterprise ; and his doubts thus removed, he turned his mule's 
head once again toward Santa Fe, and joyfully retraced his steps. 

The articles of agreement drawn up provided that Columbus should have 
for himself and his heirs, forever, the oifice of admiral, viceroy, and gov- 
ernor-general over all lands which he might discover; that he should be en- 
titled to one-tenth of all revenues from these lands, in whatever waj' 
obtained; and that he should, at any time, be entitled to contribute one- 
eighth of the expense of fitting out vessels, and receive one-eighth of the 
13 ro fits. 

In accordance with this last-named privilege, Columbus, with the aid of 
Pinzon, added a third vessel to the armament of two which Isabella furnish- 



COLrMBUS' LIFE BF.FORE THE Dl8rO\ ER^ OF AMERICA. 77 

ed. These articles were .signed by Ferdinand and Isabella, April 17,1492; 
for although Isabella bore the whole expense, the expedition was under the 
patronage of the united sovereigns of Spain ; and the signatures stand side 
by side on this important document : " I, the King," " I, the Queen." 

A letter of privilege, or commission, was granted to Columbus the last of 
the same month; confirming the offices mentioned to him and his heirs, and 
authorizing the use of the title Don by him and his descendants. A little 
later than this, the Queen issued letters-patent; appointing his son Diego a 
page in the household of her son, Prince Juan, This was an honor usually 
shown only to boys of high rank; and was thus a marked compliment to the 
Genoese traveler. 

]May 12, 14ii2, Columbus set out for Palos, to make ready the vessels for 
his expedition. He was now in the fifty-sixth year of his age ; eighteen jears 
had passed since the, plan was matured in his own mind so far that he was 
ready to ask the advice of the learned Florentine; fully half of that time had 
been spent in waiting the convenience of the great ones of earth; but at last 
he who was really great was to venture his all upon three small vessels, 
scarcely sea-worthy. 



CHAPTER III. 
THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

New Difficulties — Reluctant Seamen — The Three Vessels — A Town of Mourning — Sets 
Sail from Palos— Alarms — The Double Reckoning — Variation of the Compass — the Grassy Sea 
— Renewed Doubts — Indications of Land — Mutiny of the Crew — Hope Renewed — Confidence 
in Columbus — Night-Watch of the Admiral — Light Through the Darkness — " LAND ! " — 
The Landing of the Discoverer — Taking Possession — The Natives — Cruising — Self-Deception 
— Exploration of Cuba — Two Wonderful Plants — Desertion of the Finta—Hayti Discovered — 
Visits from Native Chiefs — Guacanagari — The Santa Maria Wrecked — Assisted by Natives — 
Tribute of Columbus to their Character — The Indians' First Acquaintance with Firearms — 
Enviable Indians — Colony Projected — Efforts to Convert the Indians— Building the Fortress 
— Instructions to Colonists — Departure of Columbus — Rejoined by the Flnta — Explanations — 
Armed Natives— Hostilities — Difficulties of Return Voyage — Storms — Piety of the Crew — 
Causes of the Admiral's Distress — His Precautions — Land Once More — Enmity of Portuguese 
— Liberated Prisoners — Departure — Storms Again — OflF the Coast of Portugal — Reception in 
Portugal — The King's Advisers — Rejoicing at Palos — Arrival of the Pinta — Pinzon's Treach- 
ery — His Death — Reception of Columbus at Court — Unparalleled Honors — Royal Thanksgiv- 
ing — Jealousy of Courtiers — Columbus and the Egg — The Papal Bull — Preparations for a Sec- 
ond Voyage — Various Arrangements — The Golden Prime of Columbus. 

fHE port of Palos had committed some offense against the sovereigns ; 
in punishment for which it had been sentenced to furnish two cara- 
vels for royal use, for the period of one year. These were the ves- 
sels assigned for the use of Columbus, and he was empowered to procure 
and lit out a third vessel, at his own expense, in accordance with the terms 
of the agreement. 

Having reached Palos, and again become the guest of Fray Perez, Co- 
lumbus proceeded to the most public place in the town, the porch of the 
church of St. George ; and having caused the authorities and many of the 
inhabitants to assemble there, read to them the royal order that they should, 
within ten days, furnish him with the two caravels for the service of the 
Crown. The crews were to receive the ordinary wages of seamen, payable 
four months in advance; and the strictest orders were given in regard to 
the furnishing of such supplies as Columbus might require. 

Weeks passed, and not a vessel could be procured, nor a sailor to man it 
had one been found. Then a royal order was issued, and an officer of the 
royal household detailed to see that it was executed : any vessel belonging 
to Spanish subjects might be pressed into the service, and che masters and 
crews obliged to sail with Columbus wherever he might give orders. 

(79J 



80 THE riHST NOVACK OK COIA'.MBT S. 

After the necessary ships were secured, aud the men engaged, there were 
many difficulties arising. The men employed to caulk the vessels, for in- 
stance, did their work so badly that they were ordered to do it over again ; 
whereupon they disappeared from Palos. Some of those who had volun- 
teered after tiie Pinzons had set the example, repented of what they had 
done, and deserted and hid. Had it not been for the example and influence 
of the Pinzons, Columbus would probably have found it impossi})le to tit out 
even the modest armament which he had required. 

The Santa Jfai'ia was prepared especially for the expedition, and was^the 
only one of the vessels that was decked. It was commanded by Columbus 
himself. The Pinta was commanded by Martin Alonzo Pinzon, and had his 
brother Francisco as pilot; the Nina w^as under the authority of Vicente 
Yauez Pinzon. There were three pilots besides Pinzon, a number of officers 
of the Crown, including a royal notary, Avho went along to take official notes 
of all transactions, a surgeon, some private adventurers, and ninety mariners 
— a total of one hundred and twenty persons. 

Before setting sail, each one, from Columbus to the meanest sailor, con- 
fessed himself and partook of the sacrament. They were looked upon by 
their kinsmen and friends as doomed men; Palos was a town of mourning; 
for nearly every household had some member or friend engaged in this 
dreadful enterprise. Nor was this feeling confined to those who remained 
onshore; it was fully shared by the sailors themselves; and when, half an 
hour before sunrise on the morning of Friday, August 3, 141)2, the little fleet 
sailed from the harbor of Palos, there was but one man on board who felt 
any certainty that they would ever see Spain again. 

Not three days had passed before Columbus had evidence of the ill-will of 
those who had furnished the expedition. On the third day out, the Pinto 
made signals of distress; and it was found that her rudder was broken. It 
was clearly due to the contrivance of her owners, who had thus tried to dis- 
able their vessel so that she might be left behind. Pinzon, who commanded 
the Pinta, secured the rudder with cords until the following day; when, the 
wind having lulled, the other ships lay to while the necessary temporary re- 
pairs were being made. 

But the vessel proved to be leaky; and Columbus decided that the^^ should 
put in at the Canary Islands until she should be repaired; return to Spain 
he was resolved that he would not. The pilots had asserted that the Can- 
aries were far distant from the point where the injuries of the Pinta were 
discovered; but Columbus differed from them. The event proved that he 
was right; and this added somewhat to their opinion of his knowledge and 
abilities. 

This new confidence in him enabled him to pacify the sailors wdien they 
became alarmed at seeing the volcano of Teneriffe sending forth flame and 



'inE Fii:sT V()va(;k ok coLr.Mi'.rs. (SI 

smoke. He recalled the examples of Etna and A'e.suvius, which were well- 
known to them, and thus allayed their fears. But he himself became alarm- 
ed when he found that a Portuguese fleet had been seen hovering off the 
Canaries; he suspected the wily King of Portugal, who had thrown away 
his own chances of engaging in this great work of discovery, of being anx- 
ious to revenge himself upon Columbus for having entered the service of 
Spain. The Admiral, as Columbus may now be called, accordingly gave hasty 
orders that his ships should be put to sea at once. 

It was the morning of September 6 when they saw the heights of Fcrro 
gradually fade into a dim blue line upon the horizon, and knew that an un- 
explored ocean lay before them. As the sun rose higher, their hearts sank 
lower, and all three ships were filled with the complainings and lamentations 
of the sailors. Many of the most rugged were not ashamed to shed tears 
because of the land which, as they thought, they had left behind them for- 
ever. It required all the eloquence of Columbus to sooth them, even par- 
tially, with glowing Avord-pictures of the riches and magnificence of the 
countries to which he was conducting them. 

Columbus gave strict orders that, should the vessels by any mischance be 
separated, each should continue its course due westward; providing, that 
when they had gone seven hundred leagues, they should lay by from midnight 
until dawn, each night; for that was the distance at which he expected to 
find land. It was now that he resorted to his stratagem of concealing from 
the crew the true distance from Eu'rope; keeping two reckonings, one of 
which, intended for his own guidance, was correct; the other, published to 
the crews of the three vessels, considerably less than the truth. 

They had sailed five days after leaving the Canaries when they fell in with 
a spar, evidently part of the rigging of a vessel much larger than any of their 
own. Tliis did not tend to raise the spirits of the men, but was rather an 
indication of the fate which had befallen others, and which they might 
expect. 

Two days after this, Columbus noticed that the needle of the compass, 
hitherto considered an unfailing guide, no longer pointed exactlyto the north. 
This appears to have occasioned some alarm even to his courageous soul ; and 
he observed it attentively for three days, during which time the variation be- 
came greater and greater. At the end of that period, it w^as noticed by one 
of the pilots; and from him the alarm spread to his comrades, thence to 
the others. 

It was a fortunate thing that Columbus should have observed this so long 
before the others discovered it; for he had opportunity to consider the case, 
and reason out a theory to account for it. When the pilots, then, acquaint- 
ed him with their discovery, he assured them that the pole star is not a 
fixed Doint, but revolves around the pole like other stars; and thus the 




Columbus Watchixo fok Land. 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 83 

needle of the compass is-subject to variations. Ignorant as they were, the}' 
had a high opinion of his ability as an astronomer, and accepted this explan- 
ation. Columbus seems to have been well pleased with it himself; and there 
is no reason to suppose that he ever held any other theory regarding the 
variation of the needle. 

The next day they saw what they believed to be certain indications of 
land. Two birds of different species, neither of which they supposed would 
be found far from land, hovered about the ships. The next night, a great 
flame of fire, as Columbus describes it in his journal — presumably a meteor 
— fell from the sky about four or five leagues awa}'. 

As they sailed along, borne by the trade-winds through a sea of glass, they 
saw the surface of the water flecked, here and there, with great patches 
of sea-weed. These increased in number and size as they advanced; and 
Columbus recalled the accounts of certain mariners who were said to have 
been driven far to the west of the Canaries, and found themselves in the 
mist of a sea covered with great patches of weeds, resembling sunken is- 
lands. Some of these weeds were yellow and withered, while others were 
quite fresh and green ; and on one patch a live crab was found. 

Up to the eighteenth of September this favoring weather continued; and 
the sea, to use the words of Columbus, was as calm as the Guadalquivir at 
Seville. Great enthusiasm prevailed among his followers, lately so filled 
with fear; each ship tried to keep in advance of the others, and each sailor 
hoped to deserve the pension of ten thousand maravedis which had been 
promised to the first who saw land. 

September 11), Martin Alonzo Pinzon, whose vessel was in the lead, hailed 
the Santa Maria, and informed Columbus that from the flight of a great 
number of birds and from the appearance of the sky, he thought there was 
land to the north. But Columbus refused to turn from the course which he 
had marked out; he knew that land was to be reached by sailing due west, 
and in no other direction would he go. Every sailor knows how deceptive 
are the clouds, particularly at sunset; and he felt sure that Pinzon was but 
the victim of such an illusion as often deceives those on the lookout for 
land. 

As the enthusiasm of the sailors began to die down, doubts of the Admiral 
took its place: and they thought that they should never see home again. It 
is true that there had been many signs of land; but these had now been 
observed for many days, and still there was no land to be seen. Even the 
favoring wind became a cause for alarm; on a sea where the wind was forever 
from the east, how were they ever to sail away from the dreaded west? 

But the next day the wind veered, and there was a faint gleam of hope; 
small birds were also observed, singing, as if their strength was not exhausted 
bv their flight from the land where they had nested. 



1 



84 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

The next day, there was no wind; hut the ships were in the midst of fields 
of weeds, which covered the surface of the water, and impeded the progress 
which might have been made had there been any wind. They began to recall 
some vague traditions which had reached even their untutored ears, about 
the lost Atlantis, and the sea made impassable by the submerged land. 

Their fears were not borne out, howeve?-, by the soundings; for a deep-sea 
line showed no bottom. 

Columbus was kept busy arguing against their fears; for as fast as one was 
allayed, another would take its place. If there was wind, they feared a 
storm; if there was none, they were forever becalmed; if there were no signs 
of land, they knew that they should never return ; if there were signs of land, 
they had been so often deceived that they could not trust again. One great 
source of alarm was the calmness of the sea, even when there was wind; and 
Columbus could not convince them that this was due to the presence of a 
large body of land in the quarter whence the wind blew; which had not, 
therefore, sufficient space to raise great waves in the ocean. Finally, on 
Sunday, September 25, there was a great swell of the sea, without any wind; 
and the sailors were reassured by this phenomenon, as by something familiar 
to them of old. Columl)us piously regarded it as a special miracle wrought 
to allay the rising clamors of his crew. 

But this was only temporary relief; the discontent among the crew contin- 
ued, and they resolved that they would go no farther. They had now- 
advanced far beyond the limit reached by other seamen, and would certainly 
be entitled to nuich respect from their acquaintanc^es should they return at 
once. As for Columbus, he had few friends, for he was but a foreigner any- 
how ; and even if they felt that they could not rely upon the many persons of 
influence who had opposed this enterprise, and who would be glad to learn 
that it had failed, they could easily get rid of the Admiral. If they took 
back the story that he had fallen overboard one night, while busy with his 
instruments and the stars, who but those Avho threw him into the sea were to 
know that the tale was not true? 

The wind again became favorable, and the ships were enabled to keep so 
close together that a conversation could be maintained between the com- 
manders of the Scotta Jfaria and the Pinta. While this was the state of 
affairs, and Columbus was busily studying a chart about which they had been 
talking, Martin Alonzo Pinzon suddenly cried out: — 
• "Land! Land! Senor, I claim my reward!" 

As he spoke, he pointed toward the southwest, where there was indeed an 
appearance of land. So strong were the indications, that even Columbus 
was deceived; and yielding to the insistence of the crews, gave orders that 
the three vessels should sail in the direction indicated by Pinzon. Morning 
came, after a night of much excitement and hopeful pressage, and showed 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBLS. 85 

that what Pinzon had bebeld, was but "the baseless fabric of a vision," a 
sunset cloud which had passed away during the night. This occurred Sep- 
tember 2."i : and from this time forward, the sailors appear to have been some- 
what more hopeful; indeed, so frequently was the cry of "Land"' uttered 
chat Columbus found it necessary to rule that if any one gave such notice, 
and laud was not discovered within three days thereafter, he should forfeit 
all title to the reward, even should he afterward be the first to see land. 

By the first of October, according to the belief of the crew, they had 
reached a point five hundred and eighty-four leagues west of the Canary 
Islands; Columbus knew that they were in reality seven hundred and seven 
leagues from those islands, but he still kept this knowledge to himself. 

October 7, it was thought by those on L ard the J^lna that land lay in the 
west; and that vessel crowded all sail to follow the indications; for no one 
dared give notice to the Admiral, for fear of losing the reward. Pressing 
forward, it was not long before a flag was hoisted at the masthead of the 
little ship, and a gun boomed over t'.e waters — the preconcerted signal that 
land had been seen. As before, Columbus fell upon his knees, and repeated 
the Gloria in E.ccehis, in which he was joined by all his crew. 

But the end was not yet; as the Kina confidentl}' advanced, to follow up 
the great discovery, with the other vessels close in her wake, it was seen 
that there was no cause for exultation. Again the fancied land was seen to 
be nothing but a cloud on the horizon; and the flag which had been hoisted 
in such proud anticipation was slowly and regretfully hauled down. 

On the evening of this day, he determined to alter slightly the course to 
which he had held so rigidly, and proceed to the west-south-west. This was 
in accordance with the repeated solicitations of the Pinzons, and with his 
own recently conceived idea that there might have been some mistake in cal- 
culating the latitude of Cipango. The fleet kept this course for three days. 

It was the night of the tenth of October when the long repressed mutiny 
of the crew broke forth. Their fears were no longer to be controlled, and 
they demanded that the Admiral should at once return to Spain. It was in 
vain that he urged what signs of land appeared daily: they replied, surlily, 
that such had been seen a month before, and still the watery horizon was 
unbroken by anything but clouds. It is said that Columbus promised them 
that if land were not discovered within three days, he would consent to 
return; but there appears to be no good authorit.v for this story, which was 
probably invented to satisfy those who love to hear of marvelous coinci- 
dences. Nor does it seem likely that Columbus, who had persevered for 
eighteen years in seeking help to fit out this armament, should have been 
willing, after a voyage of but little more than two months, to compromise 
matters in this way. The story rests upon the testimony of a single historian, 
who is accused of many inaccuracies in other respects. 



S6 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



Fiudiug soothing words and fair promises of no avail, Columbus was 
obliged to use a more decided tone. He told them that the expedition had 
been sent by the King and Queen to seek the Indies ; and that whatever 
might be the result, he was determined to persevere, until, by God's blessing, 
he should have fulfilled their commands. 




TlIK MlTIXY. 

Ha/ing no answer ready to oppose to these resolute words, the men drew 
away /rom the leader. We may imagine how they hung together in little 
knots, muttering deep curses against the folly of the man who had brought 
them hither, and almost wailing in their grief because they would never see 
their country again. How often during that night the old scheme of throw- 
ing Columbus into the sea was brought up, how often they debated whether 



THE FIKST \OVAGE OF COLL'-MBIS. 87 

or not they might not keep him a prisoner until Spain was reached, how 
often they reckoned over their grievances and many causes for fear, no man 
knows. Morning found them sullen and despairing; their commander was 
still defiant. 

But as the day went on, those signs of land, which the sailors justly said 
had been seen so long as to be completely misleading, became more and 
more certain; fresh Aveeds, such as grow in rivers, were seen on the surface 
of the water; then a branch of thorn with berries on it; and finally, a reed, 
a small board and a staff of carved wood. Their gloom and rebellious feel- 
ing gave place to hope; and they were eagerly on the watch throughout the 
day. 

At sunset, the crew, according to their custom, sang the Salve Begina; 
after which Columbus addressed them again. He pointed out to them the 
goodness of God, who had given them, throughout their perilous voyage, 
favoring breezes and a summer sea; he reminded them that when they left 
the Canaries, he had given orders that after proceeding seven hundred leagues 
to the west, they should not sail after midnight — a proof, as he told them, 
that he had not gone farther than he had then thought it would be necessary. 
He told them that he thought it probable, from the indications seen that 
day, that they would make land that very night; and he gaAe orders that a 
vigilant look-out should be kept from the forecastle of each vessel; and he 
promised, in addition to the pension given by the sovereigns, to give a velvet 
doublet to the first who should discover land. 

As the evening closed in, Columbus took his station on the top of the 
castle or cabin on the high poop of his vessel, and kept an unwearied watch 
for land. Throughout the number of followers, there was the same excite- 
ment, greater than had ever before prevailed, even over the false alarms 
given by the Pinzons; for now the Admiral himself, for the first time, was 
confident that they were approaching land. The very failures of the others 
gave strength to their trust in Columbus; and they forgot their rebellious 
clamor of the previous night. 

It was about ten o'clock when Columbus first thought he saw a light glim- 
mering at a great distance — could it indeed be land? Literally, he could not 
believe his own eyes; but fearing that his hopes deceived him, he called to 
Pedro Gutierrez, a gentleman of the King's bedchamber, and asked him if 
he saw a light. The adventurer replied that he did; but still Columbus was 
not convinced. Eodrigo Sanchez was called, and the same question was 
asked him: he answered that he saw none; and both Columbus and Gutierrez 
saw that the light had disappeared. But in a moment more they saw it 
gleam forth again; and it continued to waver thus, as if it were a torch in a 
boat that was tossed on the waves or carried from one hut to another on 
shore. So uncertain was it, that the others were inclined to doubt its reality; 




COIvUMBUS ADDRESSING HIS Mi,N DURING THii MUTINY 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 89 

but Columbus, orce assured that it was not a fiction of his excited imagina- 
tion, considered these gleams of light as a certain sign that they were 
approaching an inhabited land. 

Contrary to the orders which he had given on leaving the Canaries, they 
did not pause during the night. It Avas two o'clock Avhen a gun from the 
Pinta gave the signal that land was actually descried. It was about two 
leagues a\vay, and had first been descried by a mariner named Kodrigo de 
Triana; but the pension was adjudged to Columbus himself, as having seen 
the light four hours before the signal was given from the smaller vessel. 

For more than three Avear^^ hours they lay to, the Avaves gently rocking the 
adventurous barks on the smooth Avarni Avaters. As day dawned, the dis- 
coverer saw before him a level island, Avell-Avooded, and apparently several 
leagues in area. The supposition of Columbus that they Avere approaching 
inhabited land proved to be correct; for the dusky inhabitants thronged the 
shore and stood gazing in wonder at the ships. 

The vessels had come to anchor; and Columbus, attired in a rich suit of 
scarlet, befitting the dignity of the Admiral and Viceroy of India, entered 
this boat, while the tAvo Pinzons entered those belonging to the vessels AA'hich 
they commanded. Each boat bore a banner on Avhich Avas a green cross and 
the initials of the soA-ereigns Ferdinand and Isabella, surmounted by a croAvn 
imperial. 

What effect did this splendor of color and glitter of armor produce upon 
the natives? When they first saw the ships, so huge in comparison Avith 
their OAvn slight canoes, they had been filled Avith wonder; as the day daAA^ned, 
they beheld the vessels more plainly, and that they were borne along, 
apparently Avithout effort, Avhile the great Avhite sails seemed to them like 
Avings. As the boats were launched, and came toAvard the shore, their 
astonishment Avas changed into terror of the strangers; and they fled into the 
woods. 

Meantime, Columbus had landed; and kneeling upon the earth, he kissed 
the soil of that new Avorld Avhich he had been first to discover, surrounded 
by his now devoted followers. Then he rose and drew his SAvord, and 
solemnly took possession of the ncAvly discovered country in the name of the 
sovereigns of Castile. He then called upon all his followers to take the oath 
of allegiance to him, as Viceroy and Admiral, the representative of these 
sovereigns. 

As the natives Avitnessed these ceremonies from their hiding-places on the 
edge of the woods, they gradually regained confidence, and drcAv a little 
nearer the strange Avhite men. When they saw that the new-comers seemed 
to have no intention of injuring them, they approached and made signs of 
frieiKlship. These were responded to, and the natives came still nearer, and 
.stroked the beards of the Spaniards and examined their hands and faces. 



THE FIRST ^■OV.\0E OF COLUMBUS. 91 

evidently wondering at the whiteness of their skins. All these demonstra- 
tions were preceded and accompanied by frequent prostrations and other 
signs of adoration. To the simple-minded inhabitants of the island, it 
seemed that these men had come in their great winged vessels straight from 
the blue heaven which bent over their island, and touched the ocean all 
around them. 

As Columbus supposed that he had reached India, it was natural that he 
and his followers should speak of the natives of the newly discovered country 
as Indians ; a name which M'as so much used before it was fully ascertained 
that he had reached another continent, that reason has never been able to 
displace it. 

The Indians wore no clothing, but had their bodies painted with various 
colors. Their only arms were lances with heads of sharp flints or fish-bones, 
or hardened at the end by fire. They evidently had no knowledge of 
sharpened iron or steel, for one of them took hold of a sword by the edge 
and cut his hand. They received with eager gratitude the trifles which 
Columbus and his followers presented to them, offering in return balls of 
cotton yarn, tame parrots, and cassava bread. These, however, were not the 
articles of traffic which the Spaniards had come so far to procure; the small 
golden ornaments which some of the natives wove in their noses were of 
much greater interest than their twenty-pound balls of cotton, and Columbus 
at once made inquiry regarding the source from which they were derived. 

He learned that these precious ornaments came from the southwest, where 
there dwelt a king who was always served in vessels of fine gold. Much 
more has the great discoverer set down of the same kind, but it is probable 
that he deceived himself in much of what he understood them to tell him by 
signs. He felt assured that he had now reached the outlying islands of Asia, 
and was near the countries of fabulous riches of which Marco Polo had 
w^ritten; and he readily believed that the gestures of these naked Indians 
indicated much more than the savages tried to express. 

The island, which Columbus thoroughly explored, was named San Salvador. 
Around it lay beautiful and fertile islands, so that he was at a loss which to 
choose as the next to be explored. He set sail two days after landing, taking 
with him seven of the natives, to whom he proposed to teach the Spanish 
language, that they might serve as interpreters. As these became better able 
to communicate with him by signs, and understood more clearly what 
information he wished to obtain, he learned that he Avas in the midst of an 
archipelago, numbering more islands than the limited arithmetical skill of 
the savages could reckon. They enumerated more than a hundred, and gave 
him to understand that they were all well peopled, and that the inhabitants 
were frequently at war with each other. All this was in full accordance with 
what Columbus had heard of the islands about the eastern coast of Asia. 



THE FIRST VOYA(tE OI- COLl MBl S. 93 

Several islands were visited in succession, but without finding the vast 
stores of gold which they had understood from the natives were in the pos- 
session of their neighbors. They learned, however, that their coming was 
regarded as a wonderful event by the natives, as a single Indian in a canoe 
was taken into one of the ships, and found to be a messenger dispatched to 
carry the news among the different islands. IIow many similar messengers 
were dispatched, the Spaniards did not know; but they w^e re less proud of 
their own courage in venturing across the ocean when they reflected that this 
naked savage h id entered upon a voyage of such length and danger in his 
frail canoe without a single companion to assist him in storms or tell of his 
fate if he should perish. 

Wherever he went, Columbus heard of an island of nmch greater extent 
than any that he had seen, called Cuba; and he determined that this must be 
the long-sought Cipango. He determined to set sail to this favored country; 
but his departure from the smaller islands was delayed for some days by calms 
and contrary winds. It was the 28th of October before he finally reached the 
coast of the Queen of the Antilles. In his journal, Columbus seems never 
tired of expatiating upon the beauty of the islands which were now seen by 
Europeans for the first time; their mild climate, the smoothness of the 
waters in which these jewels of ocean were set, the majesty of the forests, 
the beauty of the birds, the magnificence of the flowers, even the glittering 
sparkle of the insects, are constantly the subjects of his praise. 

While coasting along Cuba, Martin Alonzo Pinzon learned from some na- 
tives that there was a country in the interior called Cubanacan. Later re- 
searches have developed the fact that nacan is simply the native word mean- 
ing the interior, so that Cubanacan means only the interior part of Cuba; but 
the heated imagination of Pinzon connected this name with the w^ord Khan, 
and the amazing discovery w^as communicated to Columbus. The discoverer 
at once concluded that he was mistaken in supposing Cuba to be Cipango, or 
Japan; it was a part of the mainland, and he was now in the territories of the 
Great Khan. 

The Admiral settled it in his own mind that he was about a hundred leagues 
from the capital of this mighty potentate, and resolved to send embassadors 
to him at once. Two envoys were selected ; one of them a converted Jew, 
who was acquainted with Hebrew and Chaldaic, and had some knowledge of 
Arabic, in which language, it was supposed, he would-be able to communi- 
cate with some one in the court of the Khan. These embassadors were in- 
structed to inform the Khan that Columbus had been sent by the King and 
Queen of Spain, for the purpose of establishing friendly relations between 
the powers; they were tilso to ascertain exactly the situation of certain ports, 
provinces, and rivers; and they were to find out if certain drugs and si)ices, 
of which they were provided with samples, were produced in that country. 



94 THK FIRST VOYAGK OF (OLl'M IIUS. 

Wliile awaiting the return of these embassadors, Columbus occupied him- 
self in attending to the necessary repairs of his vessels. Having arranged 
for this work, he spent some time in the exploration of the interior; and 
again received much remarkable information from the natives. We cannot 
help suspecting that the natives found Columbus such a willing listener that 
they indulged their imaginations considerably; for they gravely assured him 
that there were tribes at a distance, of men who had but one eye; that there 
were others who had the heads of dogs, and that there were still others who 
were cannibals, killing their victims by cutting their throats and drinking 
their blood. Mingled with these stories, were accounts of a place Avhich they 
called Bohio, where they declared that the people wore anklets and bracelets 
and necklaces of gold and pearls. 

While Columbus was being thus ably entertained by the Indians of the 
coast of Cuba, his embassadors had penetrated to the interior in search of the 
capital of Kublai Khan. They returned Nov. 6, having reached a point 
twelve leagues from the coast, and learned there that there was nothing of 
interest beyond it. The village which "was the capital of Cubanacan contained 
about fifty huts, and at least a thousand inhabitants. The envoys had been 
treated with courtesy and hospitality, though, to their surprise, they found 
that Hebrew and Arabic were but gibberish to the natives, and were obliged 
to rely upon the services of an Indian who had occompanied them, and who 
had picked up a little sniiittering of Spanish. They saw no gold or precious 
stones; and when the white men displayed their samples of cinnamon, pep- 
per, and similar commodities, they were informed that such things grew far 
off to the southwest. 

During their absence, Columbus had become acquainted with the proper- 
ties of a plant, which, one of his biographers justly observes, was destined 
to be of more real value to the people of the eastern continent than all the 
precious metals that have been mined in the New World. This was the po- 
tato. The embassadors sent into the interior saw in use a plant which has 
not, indeed, the wide usefulness of the potato, but which has become 
necessary to the comfort of many of the white race. This was tobacco, the 
name of which is derived from the Indian word designating a sort of rude 
cigar; the term being applied by the Spaniards to the plant and its dried 
leaves. The strangers at first regarded this practice of smoking as singular 
and nauseous; but as it is said of vice that — 

"We flr?t endure, then pity, then embrace," 

SO the white men were taught by curiosity to learn what the Indian found in 
tobacco that was pleasant, and speedily acquired the habit. 

Columbus was now convinced, by the report of his envoys, that he Avas not 
within such a short distance of the capital of the Khan. lie still listened 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 95 

eagerlj-, however, to the tales which the Indians had to tell of Babeque and 
Bohio, although he was not quite certain whether these terms applied to the 
same place or not. He decided to go in search of Babeque, which he hoped 
to find the name of some rich and populous island off the coast of Asia. 
Later researches into the language of the natives of these islands have not 
made it wholly clear what they intended to convey by these two words ; accord- 
ing to some authorities, they are names applied to the coast of the mainland; 
others that holiio means house, or populousness. 

November 12, the little fleet weighed anchor, and sailed eastward along the 
coast of Cuba. A storm obliged them to take refuge in a harbor to which 
Columbus gave the name of Puerto del Principe, and several days were spent 
in exploring that cluster of small and beautiful islands which have since been 
called El Jardin del Eey, " The Garden of the King." On the 19th, he again 
put to sea, and for two days made ineffectual efforts to reach an island which 
lay about twenty leagues to the eastward, supposing it to be Babeque. Find- 
ing this impossible, on the evening of the second day he put his ship about, 
and made signals for the others to do the same. The Pinta was considerably 
to the eastward of the Santa Maria and the N'ina, and, to the surprise of 
the Admiral, failed to answer the signals or comply with the commands which 
they indicated. He repeated the signals ; but still the Pinta paid no attention. 
Night came on; and hoisting signal lights at the masthead of the Santa 
Maria, so that the Pinta could easily follow through the darkness, he sailed 
on,ward. Morning came, but nothing wa ■> ^o be seen of the Pinta. 

Columbus was not a little disquieted by this action of Pinzon. The rich 
navigator of Palos,^ who had furnished a large ^x rt of the money required for 
the expedition, and without whose aid Columbu:' would probably have been 
obliged to seek assistance at some other court than that of Spain, was fully 
aware of the importance of the services which he iVzO. rendered to the Gen- 
oese adventurer. Thoroughly familiar with the theories of Columbus, he had 
adopted them as his own, and probably came gradually to consider them as 
much his property as they were the foreigner's. Several times, during the 
voyage, there had been serious differences of opinion between Columbus and 
his chief subordinate; and when the Admiral saw that the i^n?/« had thus 
deserted the flag-ship, he suspected that Pinzon intended to return to Spain 
at once and claim all the honors due to the successful prosecutor of this great 
enterprise. 

But Columbus was not to be deterred from his purpose of discovering the 
rich and populous parts of the far east; he continued coasting along the 
northern line of Cuba until, Dec. 5, he reached the eastern extremity, to 
which he gave the name of Alpha and Omega, supposing it to be the eastern 
point of Asia. He was now undetermined what course to pursue. Keturn 
to Spain would ])c unadvisable at this season of the year; and so far as the 



96 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

/*/»^ff was concerned, she 'Was SO much swifter sailer than the other vessels, 
and had the start of them by many hours, that it was useless to think of chas- 
ing her across the Atlantic. If he kept along the coast, following its trend 
to the southwest, he might find the country of the Khan ; but then he could 
not hope to reach Babeque, which his Indian guides now assured him lay to 
the northeast. 

Thus undecided, he continued cruising aimlessly for some days in the waters 
around the eastern end of Cuba; and at last descried land to the southeast, 
which he decided to make. The natives protested against his seeking to do 
so, assuring him that the people were fierce and cruel cannibals. But these 
remonstrances were unheeded, and Columbus steered toward Hayti. 

He anchored in a harbor at the western endof the island, to which he gave 
the name which it still retains — St. Nicholas. As they explored the northern 
coast of the island, they caught many fish, several species of which were sim- 
ilar to those which the sailors had taken in Spanish waters; they heard from 
the wooded shore the notes of song-birds which reminded them of the night- 
ingale and other birds of Andalusia; and they fancied they saw, in the beauti- 
fully diversified country, some resemblance to the more beautiful parts of 
Spain. Accordingly, Columbus named the island Hispaniola, or little Spain. 

AVhile exploring the island, Columbus found plants and birds of much 
different species and more abundant than those he had seen in Europe. 
Animals were also less rare, more various, and of greater size; amongst 
others the iguana, a sort of gigantic lizard, whose likeness to the crocodile, 
or at least to the representations of it then extant, made some of the crew 
mistake it for one of those dreadful monsters. Glad to make use of his 
courage in reassuring his men, who were frightened at everything that was 
new, Columbus did not hesitate to attack this beast; he rushed at him with 
uplifted sword, and pursuing him into the waters of the lake, did not come 
out until, to the universal satisfaction, he had made an end of him. The 
skin which he carried back with him to Europe, measured seven feet in 
length, much more than the average length. 

Columbus must have smiled at the recollection of this exploit, when he 
found out that this terrible-looking beast, with its enormous crop, its long 
and powerful tail, its spine notched like a saw, its sharp claws, is as harm- 
less as our common lizard, and is even esteemed a great delicacy by the In- 
dians. 

The natives had abandoned their villages and fled into the interior at the 
approach of the vessels, leaving their cultivated fields and large villages. 
Columbus sent well-armed parties in search of them, and one such party suc- 
ceeded in capturing a young woman, who was induced by presents of clothes, 
trifling ornaments, and trinkets, and by the kind treatment which she experi- 
enced, to act as embassador to hor i)oople. It was no diflicult mailer after 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



97 



this to secure the presence of large numbers of the natives, who were well 
disposed toward the strangers when they found that there need be no fear of 
them. 




The Fight with the Iguana. 

They were frequently visited by chiefs of various degrees of importance; 
and, Dec. 22, received a message from a chief named Guacanagari, borne 
by a number of natives, who filled one of the largest canoes that the Span- 
iards had as yet seen. This cacique, as the chiefs of these islands are called 
by Columbus, asked that the ships might be brought to a point opposite his 
village, which was a little farther east than the point where they then were. 
But the wind was not favorable, and Columbus had to content himself with 
sending a deputation to visit Guacanagari, by whom they were received with 
great state and honor. But, as before, the Spaniards learned from this chief 
7 



08 THK FIRST VOYAG?! OF COLLMBUS. 

nothing of the vaj^t stores of treasure for which they were seeking; and 
although the cacique and his followers freely gave them any of their few 
golden ornaments, it was evident that these were not drawn from any mine 
worked by Guacanagari and his tribe. 

The envojs returned, bearing the most friendly messages with them; and 
as soon as the wind proved favorable, Columbus gave orders that the two 
vessels should sail toward the village of Guacanagari. His hopes had again 
been raised by the statements of various minor caciques w'ho had visited him 
during the absence of his messengers, and who talked much of a place Avhieh 
they called Cibao, the cacique of which had banners of wrought gold. To the 
ears of the great discoverer this name Mas nearly enough like Cipango to 
mislead him completely; and he believed that at last he had conio upon the 
traces of that niagniticent prince mentioned l\v Marco Polo, whose wealth ex- 
ceeded even that of the ruler of Cathay. 

It Avas the morning of December 24 that the two vessels departed from 
their resting-place to proceed toward the residence of the cacique. The 
wind was so light as hardly to till the sails, and they made but little progress. 
At eleven o'clock that Christmas eve, they were about four or five miles 
from the harbor Avhere the cacique's village Avas situated; the sea was 
calm and smooth, and the coast had been so explored by the party of mes- 
sengers that Columbus felt no fears regarding rocks or other sources of 
danger. He according retired to the rest which he had earned by sleepless 
nights spent in Avatcliing the course of the vessels along an unknown coast. 

Scarcely had he fallen asleep, before the helmsman, in defiance of the com- 
mander's plain orders, gave the helm over to a boy, and himself went to 
sleep. It was not long before the whole crew of the Snnfa Maria was locked 
in slumber; the only wakeful one being the boy at the helm. 

The currents along this coast are swift and strong; and when the ship was 
once in the power of one of them, she was swept rajndly along. To older or 
more heedful ears the sound of the breakers would have given warning of 
the danger; but the boy thought nothing of what he was doing. Silently 
and swiftly the current bore the ship upon a sand-bank; suddenly the boy- 
helmsman felt the rudder strike, and heard the tumult of the rushing sea. 
Frighteiled, he called loudly for help; the Admiral, a light sleeper, and 
always feeling the responsibility Avhich rested upon him, was the first upon 
deck, followed hastily by the sailors who had been sleeping Avhen they should 
have watched, and by those others who were not on duty. He quickly gave 
orders to carry an anchor astern, that by this means the vessel might be 
w^arped off The boat was launched, and the men detailed for the pur- 
pose entered it; but either, insane from fright, they misunderstood the order, 
or purposely disobeyed it, by seeking their own safety first, and at once rowed 
off toward the other vessel, which lay half a league to windward. 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. \)y 

The Santa Maria had swung across the stream, and lay helpless, the 
water continually gaining upon her. The Admiral gave orders that the mast 
should be cut away; hoping to lighten her so that she would be carried off 
the bar before any more serious damage was done. The order was obeyed ; 
but the keel was too firmly bedded in the sand for this measure to prove 
effective. The shock had opened several seams, through which the water 
entered in large quantities. The breakers struck her with force again and 
again, until she lay over on her side. Had the weather been less calm, this 
vessel, the largest of the armament which a queen had fitted out for the dis- 
covery of a New World, would have gone to pieces on the shore of that far- 
away island. 

In the meantime, the boat had reached the caravel JSfina and given 
information of the condition of the larger vessel. The commander of the 
caravel reproached the sailors for their desertion of the leader in such mis- 
fortunes, and immediately dispatched a boat to his relief. Columbus and 
his crew took refuge on board the Xina until morning, and envoys were 
at once sent off to inform the cacique of what had happened. 

Guacauagari showed great distress at the misfortunes of his expected 
visitors; nor did he confine himself to mere words of sympathy and con- 
dolence, but showed himself active in measures for their relief. All the 
canoes that could be mustered were pressed into service, and all his people 
assisted in unloading the vessel. The lading was stored near the palace of 
the cacique, and an armed guard placed around it to prevent depredations; 
the cacique and his brothers having kept close watch while the work of 
unloading was going on, to prevent the helpers from being overcome by 
temptation to help themselves to these wonderful things. 

To Columbus and his companions, this course appeared unnecessary; so 
nmch sympathy with the shipwrecked sailors was shown by all Avho, at the 
command of the chief, were engaged in assisting them; and Columbus after- 
ward bore this testimony to their character, in his Journal: — 

"So loving, so tractable, so peaceable are these people that I swear to your 
majesties there is not in the world a better nation, nor a better land. They 
love their neighbors as themselves; and their discourse is ever sweet and 
gentle, and accompanied with a smile; and though it is true that they are 
naked, yet their manners are decorous and praiseworthy." 

The day after Christmas, Columbus was visited on board the JSTina by 
Guacanagari, who assured him again of his eagerness to render the Spaniards 
any assistance which lay in his power. 

The Admiral, who was at dinner when he came on board, observes in his 
journal with regard to this visit, that the cacique would not allow him when 
he entered the cabin to rise or use any ceremony, and that, when invited to 
partake of any dish, he took just as much as was necessary for him not to 



100 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



appear impolite. He did the same if anything was given him to drink; he 
put it to his lips, merely tasted it, and sent it to his followers. His air and 
his movements were remarkably grave and dignified. 




The Grateful Cacique. 

His dignity and discretion, however, were not proof against all the attrac- 
tions that surrounded him. While, with the help of the Indians he had 
brought wnth him as interpreters from San Salvador, Columbus was enter- 
taining his royal guest, he noticed that the cacique turned his eyes again and 
again, as if in spite of himself, on the quilt that covered his bed. Columbus, 
seeing this, hastened to present him with the coveted object, together w^ith a 
pair of red shoes and a necklace of amber beads. The gratitude of the 
cacique and his officers knew no bounds, and there is no doubt that these 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. lOl 

gifts did more to exalt the power and grandeur of Spain and her sovereigns 
in their eyes than all the words of Columbus and his interpreters on that 
subject. While they were conversing, a canoe arrived from another part of 
the island, bringing bits of gold to be exchanged for small bells, such as 
were worn by the hawk used at that time in hunting. To the Indians, these 
appeared the most desirable articles which the Spaniards had to distribute 
among them ; they hung the bells on their arms and legs when preparing for 
the dances of which they were so fond, and which were performed to the 
cadence of certain songs. They had found that the Spaniards valued gold 
more than anything which their savage treasuries contained, and readily 
brought all that they had to exchange for the wonderful musical bells. 

Sailors who had been on shore, trading, informed Columbus that gold was 
easily obtained in trade with the natives; and this restored the drooping 
spirits of the Admiral to something of their normal state. The cacique saw 
the change in his countenance, and inquired what good news the sailors had 
brought. He was told how desirous the Admiral was of obtaining the yellow 
metal; and replied that there was a place not far off, among the mountains, 
where it could be obtained in large quantities. He promised to get as much 
as Columbus might desire, the metal being there in such abundance, he said, 
that it was not held as very valuable. This place he called Cibao; and 
Columbus at once recognized this name, and again confounded it with 
Cipango. 

When Guacanagari had been entertained by Columbus, he insisted that the 
Admiral should be his guest onshore. The request was granted ; and the 
guest received such honor and sympathy as to make him admire the kindly 
yet dignified savage chieftain more than ever. In return for the cacique's 
efforts at entertaining him, he sent on board the ship for a skilled archer and 
his arms, and showed the assembled Indians the accuracy of such weapons. 
The people of Guacanagari were of so unwarlike a nature that they had no 
similar skill to display; but the cacique informed Columbus that the Caribs, 
who sometimes made forays upon them, had bows and arrows which they 
used with deadly precision. Columbus assured the chief that he had nothing 
more to fear from the Caribs, for the great monarchs of Spain had weapons 
far more terrible than these, which they would not hesitate to use in the de- 
fense of a people who had assisted their Admiral. To illustrate his words, 
he ordered an arquebus and a heavy cannon to be discharged. 

To the Indians, it seemed that a thunderbolt had fallen from a clear sky; 
and they fell prostrate on their faces in terror. When they had recovered a 
little, Columbus called their attention to the place where the cannon-ball had 
crashed through the trees, carrying away great branches; and they were filled 
with renewed dismay. But he assured them that these arms would not bo 
used against them, but for their protection against the cruel and dreaded 



102 THK FIRST VOYAGK OF COLUMBUS. 

Caribs; and secure in the friendship of these children of liglit who were 
armed with thunder from their native skies, the simple savages were more 
than content. 

The fame of the hawx-r^^ns nad gone abroad, and there was not an Indian 
who had a golden ornament who was not more than willing to trade it for 
one of these precious articles. Las Casas, whose work is one of the chief 
authorities regarding this part of the life of Columbus, tells us that one In- 
dian offered a handful of gold-dust in exchange for one; and when the trade 
had been made, hurried off as fast as his feet would carry him, lest the Span- 
iards should regret that they had sold it so cheap. 

The Spaniards who had endured so many hardships and dangers became 
enamored of the easy, luxurious life which the Indians led; in a land where 
the earth produced, almost spontaneously, roots and fruits enough to feed 
more than the inhabitants, where there was evidently no winter to be feared, 
where shelter and clothing were looked upon as unnecessary, wdierethe main 
part of the day was passed in indolent repose, and the main part of the night 
in dancing to the music of their songs or the beating of their rude drums, the 
Indians were indeed creatures to be envied. Gradually the sailors came to 
long to share this life, so full of ease and enjoyment, and Columbus formed 
the idea of establishing a colony of those wdio wished to remain; while he, 
with his one vessel and a small crew, would return to Si3ain to carry the news 
of his discovery — unless he had been anticipated by the captain of the Pinta — 
and to procure the needed supplies and reinforcements. Had the natives 
been less peaceable and friendly, such a course would have been the height 
of madness; but armed as the Spaniards were with cannon and smaller fire- 
arms, and surrounded by those Avhose chief w^ish seemed to be to minister to 
the white strangers, there appeared to be no difficulty in the way. 

But he did not propose to take any unnecessary risks ; the stranded vessel 
was to be broken up to afford materials for a fortress ; and it was to be armed 
with her guns. Provisions enough could be spared from the general stock to 
maintain a small garrison for a year; so that whatever change there might be 
in the feelings of the natives, the white men who w^ere left behind w^ould be 
entirely safe. He intended that they should occupy themselves with explor- 
ing the island and becoming acquainted with the location and extent of the 
gold mines on which they all laid such stress, and in trading with the natives 
for whatever of the precious metal they might possess. At the same time, 
they could learn the language of the country more perfectly, so that com- 
nmnication would be easier and surer; and acquaintthemselves with the habits 
and customs of the people, so as to make future intercourse all the smoother. 
Columbus did not suppose that the fortress, except under very improbable 
circumstances, would be necessary for the defense of his followers from the 
natives; for the latter had too clearly proven their unwarlike nature and their 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 103 

friendly disposition; but he considered that some sort of military organiza- 
tion and round of required duties was necessary to keep the Spaniards in good 
order during the absence of a ruler specially appointed by the Crown, and to 
enable those who were disposed to do what was right by the natives to hold 
in check those who might otherwise have proved tyrannical, unprincipled, and 
cruel. 

For the discoverer, who was so enchanted with the beauty of nature and 
the character of the inhabitants in this New "World, entertained fond hopes 
that all these people would speedily be converted to the Christian faith. 
Wherever he had gone, he had found them of the same gentle, loving dispo' 
sition, ready to listen eagerly to whatever the strangers could make them un- 
derstand, and readily learning by rote such prayers as the sailors taught them, 
and making the sign of the cross with becoming devoutness of aspect. This 
is not the place to discuss the good done by pra3ers which are not understood 
by those who utter them; but it is a fact that these Spaniards of the fifteenth 
century thought they had done good when they taught an Indian the Latin 
words of a prayer, of the meaning of which the savage had not the slightest 
conception ; and which may have been rather hazy to the Spaniard. Columbus 
looked eagerly forward to the time when all these untaught savages should 
receive the rite of baptism, believing that that was all that was necessary to 
make them good Christians. Throughout the time that he had sought assist- 
ance in working out his theory, he had held fast to the idea of advancing the 
dominion of the Church; and this feeling was probably at the bottom of hia 
reasons for seeking assistance from Spain. Isabella was known for a de- 
vout Catholic, and ardent in the cause of religion; hence, although the 
country was convulsed with civil war, he sought assistance from her, rather 
than from the cold and crafty men vrho sat on the thrones of France and 
England. 

The project of building a fortress and leaving a colony was broached to the 
natives, who were enraptured with the plan. That the wonderful white men 
who had come from heaven with their thunderous weapons should remain to 
protect them from their dreaded enemies the Caribs, while the Admiral re- 
turned to the skies for more white men and hawks' bells, was almost too good 
to be true; and they eagerly assisted in building the fortress. 

A site was chosen, the wreck was broken up and brought to shore. A large 
vault was to be dug, and over this a strong wooden tower was to be erected : 
finally, the whole was to be surrounded by a wide and deep ditch, with the 
usual draw-bridge. In the vault were to be stored such supplies of arms, 
ammunition, and food as should be brought from the wreck, and could be 
spared by those who were about to undertake the homeward voyage. 

So industriously did the Spaniards push the work, and so eagerly did the 
many natives assist them, that the whole fortress was completed in ten days 



104 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

from the time that Columbus had given orders to begin it. He gave it the 
name of La Navidad^ or the Nativity, because they had been rescued from 
the wreck of the vessel on Christmas Day. Having concluded the account 
of the building of this tower, the devout Admiral points out the care which 
Providence had exercised over his voyage; so that even the shipwreck, which 
appeared at the time to be such a great misfortune, was the cause of his find- 
ing what riches lay hid in the island, where otherwise he would only have 
touched at the coast and gone farther on. As seen more clearly by those who 
have a knowledge of later events, the wreck of the /Santa Maria appeals the 
misfortune w4iich it seemed at first; since because of it Columbus devoted so 
much of his time and attention, in lateryears, to this very island, and suffered 
much because of his connection with it. 

While they were engaged in building the fortress, some Indians brought 
word that a large vessel, like that of Columbus, had been seen in a harbor at 
the eastern end of the island. There could be but one explanation of this: 
it must be the Pinta. Columbus at once sent a Spaniard, with a crew of 
natives in a native canoe, to take a letter to Pinzon, urging him to join com- 
pany at once, but making no complaint regarding his desertion, or saying a 
word that was not entirely friendly. A close search, however, by these mes- 
sengers, failed to disclose the presence of any such vessel ; and they returned 
to the Admiral. Other rumors reached them of a ship like theirs, but Co- 
lumbus resolved to take no further steps toward searching for the lost vessel 
until something more definite should be heard. 

In the meantime, it was a subject of much anxiety to Columbus, how the 
voyage back to Spain would be accomplished. The Pinta, the swiftest of 
the ships, had deserted, and they knew nothing of her fate; she might have 
esQaped across the ocean, or she might have been Avrecked on the shore of 
some distant island, or she might have foundered at sea and gone down with 
all on board. The Santa Maria, the largest of his ships, had been wrecked 
and destroyed. There remained only the Nina, which really was fit only for 
coasting. Indeed, it was not wholly because Columbus had feared to demand 
large ships that he had accepted small ones; he had selected those which 
seemed to him best fitted for coasting and for tracing an intricate course in 
channels between islands. 

But the A7«a was not the vessel in which any sane sailor would have wished 
to cross the Atlantic without a consort; much less was it one to which a man 
who had labored and waited for a score of years to secure the realization of 
his dreams would wish to entrust the fulfil hnent of those dreams. For, 
should the Nina be lost on the homeward voyage, what record would remain 
of Columbus? It would only be known that he maintained a theory which 
the most learned men of Spain condemned as impracticable; that he had 
sailed into the western ocean, and had been lost there, as they had predicted. 




The Columbus Beoxze Doors i>,- the Capitol at WAaHtNoioA. (105) 



iOG TIIK I'IKST AOYAGE OK COLUMIUS. 

Return he must, however; and preparations for the homeward voyage were 
begun about the same time as the fortress. Thirty-nine persons were selected 
to remain behind at La Navidad, while the others, numbering a few more, 
sailed eastward again. Minute instructions were given the colonists, to treat 
the natives always with gentleness and justice, remembering how much the}' 
were indebted to Guacanagari ; to keep together, for mutual safety, and not 
stray beyond the territories of the cacique who had so befriended them; and 
to acquire a knowledge of the productions and mines of the island, to pro- 
cure as much gold and spice as possible by trading, and to seek a better situ- 
ation for a sett^ment, as this harbor was far from being a safe one. The 
boat of the /Sa)ifa Maria was left with them, as well as a variety of seeds to 
sow, and a quantity of articles to be used in traffic. A commandant of the 
post was appointed in the name of the sovereigns, and two lieutenants, upon 
whom, successively, the command was to devolve in case of his death. 
Having made all arrangements for the safety and well-being of the colony, as 
far as such arrangements could be made by any man, Columbus, on the 41 li 
of January, 1493, sailed from Hispaniola eastward across the broad ocean : 
five months and one day after he left Palos. 

The student of idle superstitions mT,y well remark the recurrence of a cer- 
tain day of the week in the history of this first voyage of Columbus ; it was 
on Friday that he set sail from Palos; it was on Friday that he first saw the 
shores of Guanahani, the first land of the New World on which his eyes 
rested; and it was on Friday that he left Hispaniola on his return. The sixth 
day of the week is far from being considered a day on which to begin great 
undertakings ; but the greatest event of modern times is thus associated with 
it. 

The first two days of the return voyage Avere without event; on the third, 
the lookout gave the cry that he saw the Pinta at a distance. The ropoil 
was an animating one; for there was not a man on board but fully realized 
the dangers of their long and lonely voyage. 

The Pinta hastened toward them as soon as the jSFina was descried b}' her 
lookout; and conversation proving imj^racticable by reason of the state of 
the weather, the two vessels, at the command of the leader of the expedition, 
put back to the bay a little west of what is now called Monte Christi. Here 
the Admiral and his chief subordinate landed, and here was told the story of 
the P^?^<a's adventures. According to Martin Alonzo Pinzon's account, he 
had been compelled to part company by stress of weather, and had ever since 
been seeking to rejoin his companions. Columbus received this statement 
without contradiction, although he did not believe it from the first ; and made 
investigations afterward which brought the truth to his ears. One of the In- 
dians on board the Pinta had given information of a gold-bearing country to 
the eastward which had excited the imagination of the master; he had taken 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 107 

advantage of circumstances to separate from the others, and had sought to be 
the iirst to discover this rich country. For some days he sailed about among 
a group of small islands, unable to shape his course so as to avoid them; but 
the Indians had finally conducted him to Hispaniola; the rumors that Colum- 
bus had heard were not wholly false, although unreliable, or perhaps misun- 
derstood, in their statements of localities. Pinzon had remained three weeks 
near the shore of this island, and had collected by trading no small amount 
of gold; half of this he had retained for himself, half had been divided 
among his crew, to insure their silence regarding the transaction. But Colum- 
bus, even though the treachery of Pinzon could be clearly proved, could as 
yet take no steps to punish him in any Avay, or even appear to disbelieve his 
assertions. Many of the sailors were relatives or townsmen of Pinzon, and 
a break with him, at this juncture, might have been fatal to Columbus. 

A supply of wood and water was procured for the voyage, and the twc ves- 
sels coasted a short distance along the shore which had been explored by 
Pinzon. Arrived at the mouth of a river which Columbus named Rio de 
Gracia, but which is now Porto Caballo, the Admiral received news that his 
lieutenant had, during the period of his desertion, carried off four men and 
two girls from among the Indians of that section. The complaint was inves- 
tigated, and it was found that the captives were on board the Pinta, and that 
it was the intention of that vessel's coumiander to take them to Spain 
and sell them as slaves. The Admiral at once gave orders that they should 
be released and returned to their own people; being clothed and given many 
presents as a kind of restitution for the temporary loss of their liberty. 
This proceeding was not conducted without protest from Pinzon, and we shall 
find, as we proceed, that Columbus learned to look Avith less horror upon the 
project of selling Indians as slaves; but at this time he was careful to take 
none with him but those who voluntarily accompanied him. 

As they continued their course along the coast, they came to an arm of the 
sea extending so far into the land that at first they supposed it to be a chan- 
nel separating the island of Hispaniola from some other near neighbor; but 
it proved to be only a gulf. On the farther side of this inlet, they found a 
people differing very much from those others with whom the discoverer was 
so much pleased. These were of a ferocious aspect, and hideously painted ; 
they were armed with war-clubs, or with bows as large as those used by 
English archers, the arrows being made of slender reeds and ti[)ped with 
bone or with the tooth of a fish. They also had swords of palm-wood, the 
weight and hardness of which excited the wonder of the Spaniards. Though 
ferocious in appearance, and thus armed, they did not seem hostile, but sold 
two of their bows to the Spaniards, and one of them was induced to go upon 
the Admiral's vessel. 

He was sent back with many presents, to induce his comrades to trade with 



108 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

the Spaniards. The men in the boat which conveyed him back to laud were 
alarmed at the sight of about fifty fully armed warriors, who gathered on the 
shore; but at a word from the savage in the boat, they laid down their arms 
and came to meet the white men. Suddenly, in the midst of a peaceful con- 
ference, the}' rushed toward the spot where thej* had left their arms, and 
returned with a quantity of strong cord, as if to bind the strangers. The 
latter at once attacked them, wounding two. The others took to flight. The 
Spaniards would have pursued them, but the pilot who commanded the boat 
forbade it. Such was the first conflict between the natives and the people of 
southern Europe; if we regard the fight of which the old saga tells as 
unworthy of credit, the first on the soil of America between Indians and 
white men. 

Columbus had been so anxious to keep the peace with all the natives, that 
he was much troubled at the occurrence of this fight ; but he consoled himself 
by thinking that the Indians had now had a taste of the superiority of the 
white men's weapons, and would be careful how they attacked them in the 
future. He was pleased to find that the enmity of the Indians had not been 
excited by this occurrence, as they returned the next day and appeared more 
desirous than ever of being friends. They told him of the islands to the east 
in such terms that Columbus decided to stop there, and prevailed upon four 
of their young men to accompany him as guides. 

Following their guidance, Columbus at first steered to the northeast, then 
to the southeast; but he had gone but about fifty miles in all when there 
sprang up a breeze which, it seemed to him and his sailors, would waft them 
straight to Spain. He saw the discontent on their faces as they thought how 
far from the direct line of the homeward path they were diverging; he con- 
sidered how shaky was the allegiance of Pinzon; and how uncertain was the 
fate of either vessel, should it be exposed to even an ordinary storm among 
these many islands. He considered that the whole fate of the path which he 
had marked out to India depended upon his safe arrival on the eastern shore 
of the Atlantic; and repressing all desire for further exploration of the 
islands which he had discovered, he gave orders to shift sail and make direct 
for Spain. 

The outward voyage had been full of doubts and anxieties ; had it been 
through one-tenth of the difficulties and dangers which beset the homeward 
voyage, the New "World would have remained undiscovered; for the rebellion 
of the crew would have been determined enough to have broken even the 
iron resolution of Columbus. 

The trade-winds which had so prospered the outward voyage were of course 
unfavorable to their return; and it was not until they had run far to the 
north, and got completely out of the track of these winds, that thej* were 
enabled to make any headway. So often had they changed their course to 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



109 



take advantage of the least wind that promised to bear them homeward, that 
the pilots had lost their reckoning completely; and could no more agree with 
each other than they could guess at the true situation. Columbus alone 
retained a clear idea of where they were, having powers of minute observa- 
tion which often caused his conclusions to seem little short of inspirations; 
but he did not enlighten the pilots; since he wished to be the only man who 
had a clear idea of the route followed in crossing the Atlantic. 




The Return ok Columbus. 

While they were yet in the midst of the Atlantic, barely two-thirds of their 
voyage done, they were looking for land, supposing themselves to be in about 
the latitude of the Madeira Islands. Columbus knew that they were more 
nearly in a line with the Azores, but that they were not likely to reach even 
these outposts of the known world for a few days. 

February 12, a storm began to come on; and it was only with great labor 
and danger that the ships could keep on their eastward course. The wind 
and heavy sea lasted all that day and the next; increasing greatly after sun- 
set on the 13th. Flashes of lightning gave promise of a still greater tempest, 
which soon burst in such fury that they were obliged to take in all sail, and 
scud all night under bare poles. 

The next morning there was promise of a break in the storm; but it was 
not fulfilled. The wind rose again, and lasted all through the night. The 
open vessels labored hard, every moment threatening them with engulfment 
in the angry waves. As night came on, the two ships were separated; 
Columbus kept on a straight course to the northeast, endeavoring to signal 



no THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

by lights to the J*i7ita; but no answering lights could bo seen through the 
blackness of the stormy night. The weakness of her foremast had prevented 
her from holding the wind, and she had been obliged to run before it due 
north. 

Day broke over a waste of waters, still angry and threatening. All through 
the dreary day the helpless little Xina was driven along before the wind, not 
knowing what had become of her companion vessel. The ship was nearly 
disabled, and all seamanship was in vain; there was but one source of help 
ia such emergencies, and thither Columbus and his crew betook themselves. 
Thinking to avert the wrath of Heaven as manifested in this terrible tempest, 
he determined to offer solemn vows and acts of penance. Pilgrimages to 
peculiarly sacred places were in that day a favorite means of showing devo- 
tion, and were esteemed acceptable worship. At the suggestion of Columbus, 
it was determined to cast lots, to see who should vow to make a pilgrimage, 
immediately after landing, to the shrine of Santa Maria de Guadaloupe, 
Hearing a wax taper of five pounds' weight. A number of beans, one of 
which was marked with a cross, were placed in a cap, and the crew assembled 
to draw from among them. Columbus, of course, was the first to do so; and 
he drew the marked bean, which indicated that he was to make the pilgrim- 
age. Another lot was cast, to decide who should undertake a pilgrimage to 
the shrine at Loretto ; and Columbus agreed to pay the expenses of the sea- 
man who drew the marked bean. A third time was chance invoked to decide 
who should become a pilgrim, this time to the shrine of Santa Clara de 
Moguer, and coupled with an obligation to procure a solemn high mass, and 
to watch all night in the chapel; and this, like the first, fell upon Columbus. 

But in spite of these pious vows, the tempest was not abated; and the 
whole crew agreed that wdierever they first landed they would go in proces- 
sion, barefooted, and clad only in their shirts, or close under-tunics, to some 
church dedicated to the Virgin, and offer up a solemn thanksgiving for 
their safety. Each man, besides, made such private vows of penance or 
reformation of life as seemed good to him ; and the whole crew anxiously 
waited to see the result of their acts of piety. 

But even to the eye of faith it was not perceptible, and all gave themselves 
up for lost. The storm continued unabated. Their danger was increased by 
the lightness of the vessel; the water casks being nearly emptied, and the 
provisions having run low. To remedy this evil, Columbus gave orders that 
the empty casks should be filled with sea-water; and thus ballasted, the cara- 
vel rode more steadily. 

7*^6 condition of the mind of Columbus is better pictured by his own 
words, as found in a letter to the sovereigns, than in any which could be 
found to express it. He says: — 

" I could have supported this evil fortune with less grief, had my })crsou 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



Ill 



alone been in jeopardy, since I am a debtor for my life to the supreme Crea- 
tor, and have been at other times within a step of death. But it was a cause 
of infinite sorrow and trouble to think that, after having been illuminated 
from on high with faith and certainty to undertake this enterprise, after 
having victoriously achieved it, and when on the point of convincing my op- 
ponents, and securing to your highnesses great glory and vast increase of 




CoLUMBU':' Mrx Thi!0\mn(. Omu tiii Cvsk 

dominions, it should please the Divine Majesty to defeat all by my death. It 
would have been more supportable, also, had I not been accompanied by 
others who had been drawn on by my persuasions, and who, in their distress, 
cursed not only the hour of their coming, but the fear inspired by my words 
which prevented their turning back, as they had at various times determined. 
Above all, my grief was doubled when I thought of my two sons, whom I had 
left at school in Cordova, destitute, in a strange land, without any testimony 



112 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

of the services rendered by their father, which, if known, might have in- 
clined your highnesses to befriend them. And although, on the one hand, I 
was comforted by the faith that the Deity would not permit a work of such 
great exaltation to his Church, wrought through so many troubles and contra- 
dictions, to remain imperfect; yet, on the other hand, I reflected on my sins, 
as a punishment for which he might intend that I should be deprived of the 
^;lory which would redound to me in this world." 

While in this state of uncertainty as to what had become of the Pinfa, and 
what was to become of the N^ina, the tireless Admiral of the Indian Seas de- 
termined to take every means to perpetuate the knowledge of his discovery, 
even should he be lost. An account of his voyage was carefully written 
out on parchment and enclosed in a waxed cloth, which was placed in the 
center of a cake of wax. The whole was then shut up in a large barrel, 
which was cast into the sea. The account of his voyage was addressed to the 
King and Queen of Spain, and superscribed with a promise of a thousand 
ducats — about six thousand dollars according to present values — to whoever 
should deliver it unopened. He made two copies of the account, and placed 
one, enclosed in a similar way, on the poop of his vessel; so that, if he should 
be lost, there would be two copies afloat on the ocean. 

About the year 1852 a report was circulated, through the English news- 
papers, that this cask, committed to the waves so long ago, had been picked 
up by an American vessel off the African coast. Lamartine, one of the great 
writers who have devoted their talents to a study of the life of Columbus, has 
accepted this story as correct. Of the other principal biographers of the 
great discoverer who have wa'itteu since the date of its publication. Helps is 
the only one who mentions it; and he says the story has never been substan- 
tiated, but probably originated in the brain of some fertile newspaper writer. 
It seems incredible that, if such a thing were indeed discovered, the fact 
should not excite wide-spread comment, and the article itself be deposited in 
some public place, where it could be examined by historians and antiquarians. 

Although taking such precautions to prevent the knowledge of his discov- 
ery from being wholly lost, Columbus did not let his men know Avhat he was 
doing; but gave them to suppose that he was performing some religious vow. 
So great was the variety of such vows in those times, and so whimsical did 
they sometimes appear to those who did not know the full meaning which the 
<levotee attached to that particular form of doing things, that this excited 
no surprise in the minds of his followers. If his vow obliged him to throw 
a cask overboard, it was his duty to do so, especially in such a storm as this, 
which might have been sent to remind him of a neglect of duty. 

A streak of clear sky appeared in the west about sunset, and the wind 
changed during the night; but the sea still ran high, and they could carry but 
little sail during the night. 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 113 

At daybreak on the morning of the 15th, the lookout gave the welcome cry 
of " Land!" It was plainly to be seen, about five leagues to the east-north- 
east, directly ovei- the prow of the caravel. The rejoicing sailors began to 
discuss the question of what land it was; one thought it one of the Madeira 
Islands ; one said that it was a rock near Lisbon ; and many of them strove to 
recognize some Spanish headland in its outlines. Columbus was assured that 
it was one of the Azores; and this it proved to be. As they approached the 
land, the wind veered directly around; and for two days the tempest-tossed 
mariners were kept by the contrary wind in full sight of the land which they 
longed to reach, but could not. 

They succeeded in coming near enough to cast anchor on the evening of the 
17th; but the cable parted, and they were obliged to put to sea once more. 
Beating about all night, they were more successful the next morning, and an- 
chored in a harbor on the northern side of the island, as they had now found 
it to be. 

A boat was sent to land, and it was found that this island was St. Mary's, 
one of the Azores, and a dependency of the Crown of Portugal. "When the 
inhabitants saw the caravel, and learned that it had been at sea during the 
tempest, and yet had lived through it, they were wonder-struck; for the 
storm had raged for fifteen days with unexampled severity. "When they 
learned, however, from what port it had sailed, and that it had crossed the 
ocean and found land on the west, from which it was even now returning, their 
wonder and excitement knew no bounds. In reply to inquiries, they pointed 
out a harbor where the caravel might ride in safety; but insisted that three 
of the seamen should remain on shore to give them full particulars of the ex- 
traordinary things of which they kad told. 

Morning came; and Columbus, grateful for the preservation of his vessel 
from the fury of the storm, reminded his men of the vow which they had 
made, to be fulfilled as soon as they should reach any land where there was a 
shrine of the "\"irgin. The crew could not all go at once; so that it was re- 
solved that half should go first; and when the}- had performed this pious duty 
and returned, the others, among whom was the leader himself, should follow 
their example. 

There was a small hermitage, dedicated to the "\'^irgin, at no great distance 
from the spot where they lay at anchor, although hidden by an intervening point 
of land. This was the end of their pilgrimage; and messengers were sent to 
Lhe village to procure the services of a priest in celebrating mass. 

The governor of the island, Juan de Castaneda, had, on the previous even- 
ing, sent refreshment to the tempest-tossed mariners, and claiming through 
his messenger an acquaintance with Columbus, had been profuse in his com- 
pliments and congratulations. He had apologized for not coming in person, 
but promised to pay them a visit the next morning, bringing more supplies 
8 



114 



THK J'lHST NOVAUE OF COLUMBUS. 



:ukI tlu^ three seamen whom he now detained on shore. It was then with a 
feeling of perfect security that the devotees left the vessel and marched bare- 
footed to the little hermitage. What was their surprise when, in the very 
midst of their prayers and thanksgiving, they found themselves surrounded 
by a mob, mounted and unmounted, from the village, headed by the governor 
himself ; and were all taken prisoners ! 




A Pilgrimage of Grace. 

Eleven o'clock arrived, and the Admiral was anxiously awaiting the return 
of his men; but still they came not. He now began to fear that they had 
been detained by the Portuguese ; for he was by no meays certain that any 
official of that government would be disposed to treat him well. There was 
another alternative: the boat might have been dashed to pieces upon the 
rocky and surf-beaten shore. He accordingly gave orders to weigh anchor 
and stand out to sea far enough to command a view of the hermitage and of the 
path leading to it. Much to his dismay, he saw a party of armed men approach 
and enterthe boat. They rowed to the side of the caravel ; and the governor, 
who was one of their number, demanded an assurance of his personal safety in 
case he boarded the vessel. This was given, readily enough ; but still he seemed 
reluctant to trust himself within reach of Columbus. The Admiral then broke 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 115 

forth into reproaches, declaring that the perfidy of the governor did wrong 
not only to the Spanish monarchs, whose representative Columbus was, but 
to the King of Portugal, whom Castaneda represented here. He stated in 
sonorous Spanish titles, his own rank and dignity, displayed his letters patent, 
with the royal seal of Castile affixed, and threatened him with the vengeance 
of Ferdinand and Isabella. Castaneda replied contemptuously, and the boat, 
after an hour's altercation, returned to shore. 

Columbus feared that a war had broken out between Spain and Portugal 
since his departure from Palos, and that this was the explanatio.n of the treat- 
ment which he had received. But whatever the reason, he did not have long 
to speculate ; all his attention was required to keep the vessel safe. The 
weather became stormy again, and she was driven from her anchorage; not 
only was she short of hands, because of the detention of half her crew on 
shore, but the greater part of those who remained were landsmen and Indi- 
ans, who were almost useless in navigating the vessel. 

The evening of the 22nd, Columbus returned to his anchorage; for the storm 
had abated. Shortly afterward, a boat, containing two priests and a notary, 
as civil officers were called, put olf from shore and approached the caravel. 
After considerable parleying, they came on board ; and requested to see the 
papers of Columbus. These Avere readily shown ; and the officials departed, 
satisfied. The next morning the sailors were liberated, and permitted to de- 
part in their own boat. 

During their detention, they had learned the reason for this action on the 
part of the governor. Jealous in the extreme of the sovereigns of Spain, 
since they had eml^raced an opportunity which his own craftiness and deceit 
had lost to him, he had given orders to all the governors of his outlying col- 
onies to seize and detain Columbus wherever he should be met with. Castan- 
eda had hoped, by courteous treatment, to allay any suspicions which Colum- 
bus might entertain, and then surprise and capture him while he was without 
the assistance of so many of his men; but the caution of Columbus had pre- 
vented this; and the Portuguese governor had to own himself beaten. 

Two days later they set sail from St. Mary's, the wind being favorable for 
a direct passage to Spain. But this state of affairs did not long continue. 
They seemed to be repulsed, on their return, "from the very door of the 
house." Several days of stormy weather had been experienced when, on the 
2nd of March, a squall struck the .'ittle vessel and rent hersails into ribbons. 
Again she scudded under bare poles; and again the crew, at the suggestion 
of Columbus, cast lots to see who should perform a pilgrimage. The devotee 
was to go to the shrine of SantaMaria de la Cuevain Huelva; and once more 
the lot fell upon Columbus. The devout Las Casas, remarking upon the fact 
that Columbus had drawn the lot for three pilgrimages out of the four, con- 
cluded that it was an intimation from God that these storms were all on his 



116 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

account, to humble his pride, and show him how easily he might have been 
lost, with all knowledge of what he had done, had Providence so willed it. 
It is not improbable that Columbus himself took this view of it. 

They saw various signs of the vicinity of land; but in such a storm as was 
raging, this only increased their fear. The tempest continued ; and the light 
caravel seemed but the plaything of the angry winds and waves. During the 
first watch of the night of the 3rd, the cry of land was given; but by strong 
exertions they managed to keep to sea until daylight should point out a safe 
path. 

They found themselves off the rock of Cintra, at the mouth of the Tagus ; 
and although Columbus had good reason to doubt how he would be treated 
in Portugal, he had no choice but to bring his battered little vessel to land. 
He accordingly anchored opposite to Rastello, the crew returning hearty 
thanks to God for their escape from so many dangers. From the inhabitants 
of that part of the shore, who flocked to congratulate them upon what seemed 
a miraculous preservation, the seamen learned that this had been a remark- 
ably stormy winter; and that many vessels had remained storm-bound in port 
for months, while many others had suffered shipwreck. Yet the frail and 
crazy bark Nina had crossed the broad and unknown Atlantic in safety, and 
reached port at last. 

Columbus at once dispatched a courier with letters to his royal patrons; 
and another with a letter to the King of Portugal, asking permission to take 
his vessel to Lisbon, and assuring him that he had not been to the coast of 
Guinea or any other of the Portuguese possessions, but had reached India by 
sailing to the west. 

Before this letter had reached its destination, indeed, the very day after 
he had anchored, Columbus received a message from the commander of a 
Portuguese man-of-war summoning him to give an account of himself and 
his vessel. The Admiral of the Indian Seas refused to leave his vessel at the 
bidding of any power but that of Castile, and so replied to the messengers. 
When the Portuguese ofiicer learned what a voyage he had made, he visited 
him on board the caravel, and offered his services in any way in which they 
might be desired. 

From this visit, and from the accounts given by the people living near the 
mouth of the Tagus, the news was transmitted to Lisbon, reaching the popular 
ear at almost the same time that the letter of Columbus was delivered to the 
King. The people were wild with excitement; since for a hundred years the 
chief glory of Portugal had been derived from her maritime explorations, 
and here -was an achievement which threw into the shade their latest success, 
the doubling of the Cape of Good Hope. 

As soon as the King received the letter, he dispatched a cavalier with an 
answer, inviting Columbus to Valparaiso, where the court then was; and or- 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



117 



deringthat everything which Columbus might require for himself, his men, 
or his ship, should be furnished at the expense of the royal treasury. 

Columbus, remembering the treatment which he had received at the hands 
of this very monarch, was a little distrustful; but being already in his power, 
dared not show suspicion by declining the invitation. He went, accompanied 
only by his pilot; and was received with high honors. So anxious was the 
King to show him all possible respect that the visitor was commanded to be 
seated in the royal presence ; an honor which generally was accorded only to 
royalty. 




Columbus Before the Sovereigns of Portugal. 



After the interview between them, in which Columbus gave an account of 
his voyage and of the lands which he had visited, the King held a conference 



118 THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

with some of his advisers. He was uneasy lest these discoveries should inter- 
fere with his claims of territory which had been granted him by a papal bull, 
of the land from Cape Is on, on the coast of Africa, to the Indies; and his 
courtiers were only too ready to suggest that the islands which Columbus had 
discovered lay very near the Tercera Islands, and therefore rightfully belonged 
to Portugal. 

It was even advised that Columbus should be prevented from returning to 
Spain or making more voyages of discovery, by the simple and effective means 
of putting an end to his life. It could be done, the wily advisers told the 
King, without any appearance of violence unbefitting the King; Columbus 
could be led to resent some remark, for his pride was evident to them all; 
this would lead to an altercation, such as could be settled, between gentlemen, 
only by an appeal to arms ; and in the resulting duel the adventurer would be 
slain. 

But this advice was less pleasing to the King than another bit of counsel. 
If he followed the leading of some of his courtiers, he would permit Colum- 
bus to depart for Spain, unmolested; for it was his duty as a prince to pro- 
tect and further the journey of all who were driven by storms to seek shelter 
in his harbors. But if he should at once proceed to fit out an armament, and 
should send it to take jjossession of the countries which Columbus claimed to 
have discovered, it would require a war for Spain to dispossess him: and his 
right would be made all the stronger, before such war could be begun, by his 
having possession of the country in dispute. 

Thus the King of Portugal and his Council first persuaded themselves that 
the countries discovered 'by Columbus rightfully belonged to Portugal — no 
difficult task, since they wished to believe it — and then contrived a plan by 
which, they thought, Spain and her envoy could be cheated out of the results 
of that envoy's genius and labor and peril. 

In accordance with this plan, Columbus was treated with the most disting- 
uished consideration by all connected with the Portuguese court. King John 
offered, if he preferred to enter Spain by land, to bear all the expenses con- 
nected with his journey, and to furnish a guard of honor such as was fitting 
for a personage of his rank and achievements. Columbus, however, declined 
this flattering offer, since the weather had become more calm; and put to sea 
March 13, arriving at Palos two days later, the day of the week being Friday. 

If the day, nearly seven months and a half previous, when the little fleet 
set sail from Palos had been a season of general mourning, the day of the 
yina's return' was one of general rejoicing. There are but two important 
dates in the history of this Spanish seaport; one is August 3, 1492; the other 
is March 15, 1493. 

Yet, although the bells were rung, the shops shut, and all business sus- 
pended, there was but one of the vessels that had returned in safety; one 



TIIK FIKSr A()YA(4E OF COLUMlilS. 119 

had been wrecked, and the fate of the other was dreadfully uncertain. Of 
the mariners who had manned these vessels, thirty had been left on the 
strange shore which the expedition had discovered; about the same number 
were still battling with the ocean, in the Pinfa, or were buried with her 
beneath its waters. 

But this uncertainty was soon to be dispelled; for on the very day that 
Columbus arrived at Palos, and only a few hours later, the Pinta sailed up 
the river. Driven before the storm into the Bay of Biscay, Pinzon had suc- 
ceeded in making the port of Bayonne. Confident that in a tempest which 
the stronger and more sea-worthy Pinta could hardly weather, the JSFina 
must have perished, he wrote a letter to the rulers of Spain, announcing the 
discoveries which he had made; and requesting permission to come to court 
and communicate the particulars in person. Full of brilliant anticipations 
of a triumphant entry into his native town, he then set sail for Palos. 

The bells were still ringing when he entered the harbor; but he knew no 
reason for this glad demonstration until he saw, riding at anchor before him, 
the battered and tempest-tossed Nina, which he had thought was at the bot- 
tom of the Atlantic. At once all his bright hopes were dashed to the ground ; 
and fearful of being called to account by Columbus for his desertion otf 
Cuba, he caused his boat to be lowered, and landed privately; keeping well 
out of sight until he learned that Columbus had left Palos. 

Concealed in the home which he had dreamed would be the scene of such 
honor, he at last received the answer of Ferdinand and Isabella to his letter. 
It reproached him with endeavoring to take to himself the honor which right- 
full}' belonged to another, and ended by forbidding him to come to court. It 
was too much for the hardy and adventurous mariner; and he who perhaps 
had done more than any one man to make the expedition of Columbus 
possible died a few days afterward, the victim of deep chagrin. " His story 
shows how one lapse from duty may counterbalance the merits of a thousand 
services; how one moment of weakness may mar the beauty of a whole life 
of virtue; and how important it is for a man, under all circumstances, to be 
true not merely to others, but to himself." 

Columbus had gone to Seville, shortly after landing, there to await the 
commands of Ferdinand and Isabella; he had taken with him six of the 
Indians who had voluntarily accompanied him to Spain; one having died on 
the voyage, and three being left, ill, at Palos. 

At Seville he received an answer to his letter, addressed to " Don Christo- 
pher Columbus, Our Admiral of the Ocean Sea, and Viceroy and Governor 
of the Islands Discovered in the Indies." It is said that the Spaniards are 
particularly fond of long and sounding titles; and this address would surely 
have satisfied the most ambitious of them. The contents of the letter were 
as flattering as the superscription was imposing. The sovereigns expressed 




The Triumphal Progress. 



(120) 



THE FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 121 

their unbounded delight at the services rendered by Columbus, and requested 
him to repair to court at once, to make arrangements for a second voyage. 
If there was anything which they could do to expedite such a journey before 
he could come to them, he was to send them word, and it should be done. 
They desired to take advantage of the approaching summer, since that was 
the most favorable season for such journeys of discovery. 

His journey to Barcelona, where the court then was, was like the triumphal 
progress of a sovereign; never before had a man sprung from the people 
I'eceived such honors from Spaniards; for never before had any man done 
such service to the Crown and the empire. Arrived at Barcelona, he was 
welcomed by such a crowd of spectators of the brilliant cavalcade which 
escorted him, that they could hardly make their way through the streets. 
The King and Queen had ordered their throne to be placed in public under a 
rich canopy of brocade; and seated here, attended by their son and the 
highest nobles of the court, they awaited the coming of the discoverer. As 
he approached the throne, they rose, as if receiving one of their own rank; 
and as in the court of Portugal, so in the presence of the proud and punctil- 
ious Spanish monarchs, Columbus was actually permitted to be seated. To 
us, such a distinction appears trivial; but it did not seem so to those who 
witnessed the reception of Columbus by the sovereigns whom he served. 

An account of the voyage was given their majesties, and the natives and 
other spoil acquired duly displayed. When Columbus had finished speaking, 
the King and Queen, followed, of course, by all present, fell upon their 
knees; and raising their clasped hands, poured forth a thanksgiving to the 
Power which had so blessed the enterprise. The emotion of those assembled 
was too deep for ordinary acclamations; and when the prayer was concluded, 
there was a solemn silence, until the voices of the choir of the royal chapel, 
accompanied by instruments, rose in the sacred strains of the psalm, "Te 
Deum Laudamus." Their thoughts were borne upward on the swelling 
strains, as though, says Las Casas, " in that hour they communicated with 
celestial delights." 

It would be tedious to tell of the round of entertainments prepared in 
honor of Columbus by the obsequious courtiers, and the honors which they 
strove to shower upon him. Everywhere that he went, he was the object of 
a respect so profound that its like had never been shown to any man not of 
royal descent. Yet there were not wanting some who Avere meanly jealous of 
him, and who asserted that his service was but small; had he not discovered 
these countries, there were yet others in Spain who were capable of doing so; 
that his success was due simply to a series of lucky accidents, which might 
have befallen any adventurous mariner. At one of the banquets given in his 
honor, a courtier had the hardihood to suggest this to Columbus himself, by 
asking if he thought there was no one else in Spain who could have accom- 




Reception of Columiu s ijy Ferdinand and Isabella. 



(122) 



THK FIRST VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 123 

plished the discovery. For answer, Columbus took an egg, and asked his 
would-be detractor to set it on end; saving that it was an easy thing to do. 
The courtier tried to balance it, but failed; meantime, the attention of all 
present was attracted to this *' most excellent fooling," which seemed to be 
directed by the great man himself. AYhen the trial was ended, and the proud 
Spaniard acknowledged that he could not do it, one after another, believing 
he saw wherein lay the difficulty, and encouraged by the amused smile of Co- 
lumbus and his assurance that it was easy enough, begged leave to make the 
trial. One after another they essayed it; and one after another they failed, 
and were obliged to give up. The discoverer took the egg in his hand, and 
knocked one end against the table until it stood firmly upon the broken 
part. No words were needed to complete the lesson ; the envious belittler 
of a great man's fame had learned that there are things easy enough to do 
when one knows how, but impossible to those who have not learned, unless 
natural capacity supplies the place of teaching. 

The story is as well known as that later one of George Washington and 
the cherry tree ; but it is better authenticated than that. The simplicity of 
the reproof is quite in accordance with the character of Columbus, who was 
eminently practical, and always r^ady to use the means at hand, no matter 
how trifling. 

Although it was supposed that the land discovered by Columbus was apart 
of the territory of a people who had made a considerable advance in civiliza- 
tion, the Spanish sovereigns felt not the slightest doubt of their right to take 
possession of it, and appoint governors and other officials as they saw fit. 
This was in accordance with the principle which the rulers of Europe had 
established for themselves during the Crusades, that Christian princes have 
undoubted rights over all countries not Christian. This principle, highly 
satisfactory to those who were benefitted by it, combined with the principle 
of the right of discovery, sustained Ferdinand and Isabella in their intention 
of taking possession of the Indies. It w^as further believed that the Pope, 
as the head of the Christian world, possessed the right to assign these terri- 
tories of paynim peoples to the Christian nations. In accordance with this 
belief, the Spanish rulers, to strengthen their right of discovery, applied to 
the Pope for a bull to sanction their further proceedings. 

This request was not made without an intimation that the Spaniards 
scarcely considered it necessary, but regarded it merely as a ceremony due 
from them to show their respect for the Holy See. Thus politely informed 
that if he did not give his consent to their holding and colonizing these 
lands, they would do so without his permission, the Pojoe granted the request, 
and issued the desired bull. To prevent any conflict between Spain and 
Portugal regarding the countries which the Holy Father had granted to them 
respectively, it was decided that an imaginary line to be drawn from pole 




Columbus axd the Eug. 



(124) 



THE FIRST VOYAGK OF COLUMBUS. 125 

to pole a hundred leagues to the west of the Azores, should be the boundary 
between their possessions; all to the east of this was to belong to Portugal; 
while all land to the west of it was to belong to the Crown of Spain. 

While these negotiations were being carried on, Ferdinand and Isabella ex- 
erted themselves to honor Columbus to the utmost. The outcome of their 
efforts seems to have been the assignment of a coat of arms, in which the 
group of ifjlands surrounded by waves, which was the design of the heralds, 
was quartered with the royal Castle and Lion, which Isabella bore on her 
shield in allusion to the names of her two kingdoms, Castile and Leon. To 
this device, a motto was afterward added, a Spanish couplet which is, trans- 
lated into English prose: "To Castile and Leon Columbus gave a New 
World." 

It took time to procure the papal bull; and the Spanish monarchswere not 
willing to delay their preparations for another voyage. They proceeded with 
the work, first organizing it so as to insure regularity and dispatch in trans- 
acting the business relating to this vast new empire. Juan Rodriguez de 
Fonseca, Archdeacon of Seville, was appointed to superintend them, and 
finally, after several ecclesiastical promotions in Spain, made Patriarch of the 
Indies. Francisco Pinelo was associated with him as treasurer, and Juan de 
Soria as comptroller. These officials were to be located at Seville; although 
they ali^o had charge of the custom-house at Cadiz, where ships from the New 
World were required to land. An office was also ordered to be established in 
Hispaniola, under the direction of the Admiral. An accountant was to sail 
with each vessel, and strict reports were to be rendered to the sovereigns of 
the amount of cargo carried; since they were responsible for the expenses, 
and received all the emoluments, except for that small proportion which they 
had agreed to allow to Columbus. 

The narrow and jealous spirit of the Spaniards was shown in the restric- 
tions which were put upon emigration and commerce; for a long time no one 
but subjects of Isabella were permitted to trade in the Indies discovered by 
Columbus; he had given the New World to Castile and Leon, and to no other 
country. 

Although Ferdinand was called the Most Catholic King, and Isabella was 
noted for her piety and devotion, the means which they employed or per- 
mitted to furnish this armament seem to us to smack of the grossest injustice. 
We have seen that on the first voyage they had ordered that men and vessels 
should be pressed into service when it was found that they could be obtained 
in no other way; and now again they ordered that Columbus and Fonseca 
should select whatever vessels pleased them, and pay to the owners what 
seemed to the Admiral and the Archdeacon a fair price, regardless of whether 
the owner desired to sell or not. The same order was given in regard to the 
supplies of provisions, arms, and ammunition; and they were further author- 



126 THK FIRST AOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

ized to compel auy officer or seaman who might add to the ethcieiioy of the 
service to embark on the fleet at a reasonr ole pay. 

The revenue for this expedition was drawn partly from the church tithes; 
two-thirds of that revenue being set aside for the purpose. The Jews had 
been banished from the kingdom during the preceding year, their jewels and 
many other valuables being confiscated ; and these were now sold, and the 
proceeds applied to the expenses of the expedition. The deficiency which 
existed after these resources had been exhausted was supplied by a loan. 

Twelve zealous and able churchmen were to sail with the Admiral, to assist 
in the conversion of the heathen inhabitants. The six Indians, also, having 
been duly baptized with great state and ceremony, were intended to assist in 
this work among their countrjTnen ; but one of them remained behind, at the 
request of Prince Juan, the heir to the throne, as a member of his household. 
He died not long afterward, however; the first of his race, says the pious 
Spanish historian, to enter the kingdom of Heaven. 




Columbus Kei-vuxg His Disi on kkiks lo His Friend, Father Perez. 

Seventeen vessels were prepared for this second expedition to the western 
lands; all kinds of skilled workmen were provided for every need of the new 
colony; domestic animals of all varieties were secured, and there was a 
plentiful stock of seeds and plants, as well as of the special kinds of 
merchandise for traffic with the natives. Provisions, ammunition, arms, and 
medicines were a matter of course. The number of persons engaged in the 
enterprise was at first limited to a thousand; but so great was the enthusiasm 
respecting the New World, and so vast was the army of adventurers, whose 



THK FIRST VOYAGE OF COLIMBUS. 127 

occupation had been gone since the Moorish wars and the late ccnitests with 
France had ended, that the sovereigns found it necessary to raise the limit to 
twelve hundred. These enlisted without pay, trusting to the fabulous amount 
of wealth which they believed to exist in the Indies to repay every exertion 
which they might make. So intense was the desire of many to go, that they 
hid themselves on the vessels until after the departure; and the real number 
on board the ships, including these stowaways, was not far short of fifteen 
hundred. 

Not all the requisitions which Columbus made for men and supplies were 
honored without question by the officials appointed for the superintendence 
of these affairs. Both Fonseca and Soria demurred to various demands of 
his; but an appeal to the royal authority always ended in Columbus being 
upheld, and the objecting officials being commanded to furnish all that he 
might desire. It was the golden prime of his favor with the sovereigns; for 
a little while he was to be the man Avhom the king delighteth to honor; and 
then his star was to set at the Spanish court, to rise again, after a short 
obscuration, over the wide world. 



CHAPTER IV. 

THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

The Great Fleet — Precautions of Columbus — The Outward Voyage — Traces of Civilization 
— Evidences of Cannibalism — Hostilities — Doubts Confirmed — At Anchorage — The Fate of 
the Garrison — Story of the Natives— Attacked by Caribs — A New Colony — The Building of 
Isabella— Sickness — Exploration of the Island — Ojeda's Expedition — Return of Vessels — 
Slave-Trading Proposed by Columbus — His Reasons — Dissatisfaction — A Conspiracy Discov- 
ered — Action of Columbus — Columbus Explores the Island — Fort St. Thomas — Necessities of 
the Colony — "Gentlemen" at Work — A Voyage of Discovery — Welcome Reports — Cuba 
Voted a Part of the Mainland— Dangerous Illness of Columbus — Return to Isabella — Adven- 
tures of Bartholomew Columbus — Margarite's Rebellion — Enemies — Siege of St. Thomas — 
Ojeda's Daring Enterprise — Spanish Cunning vs. Indian Cunning — Steel Bracelets — Spanish 
Cunning Wins — Condition of Colony — An Indian War — Victory — The Conqueror's Conditions 
— A Desperate Effort — Misrepresentations of Margarite — Isabella's Views on Slavery— Aguado's 
Arrival — Wariness of Columbus — Discovery of Gold Mines — Romantic Story — Return to Spain. 



Wi 



HEN, in the early part of August, 1492, three small vessels sailed 
from the port of Palos, the men on board of them were regarded 
as doomed to be lost at sea, and the leader of the expedition was 
regarded as a foolhardy adventurer, who had succeeded in exciting the cu- 
pidity of the sovereigns until, for the hope of visionary gain, they were 
willing to imperil these vessels. Now, he was the great discoverer of a 
new route to the opulent Indies, the friend and favored officer of great sov- 
ereigns ; while his followers were the most fortunate of mortals in being" 
permitted to seek these regions of riches incalculable. 

The tleet, as we have seen, consisted of seventeen vessels ; three of which 
were of the class called carracks, of about one hundred tons' burden each; 
two of the caravels were much larger than the others ; and there was not a 
vessel of them all that was not far superior, in its sea-going qualities, to the 
crazy bark in which the great Admiral had made the homeward voyage. 

Leaving Cadiz at sunrise on the 25th of September, they reached the 
Canaries October 1, and remained there several days, taking on board a 
number of domestic animals in addition to those already provided, and seeds 
of lemons, oranges, and such other tropical fruits as seemed to Columbus 
appropriate to the climate of the islands which he had visited. Before leav- 
ing these islands, Columbus delivered to the commander of each vessel sealed 
orders as to the course to be pursued; these orders to be opened only in case 
the vessels should become separated. He pursued this course in order to 
prevent the path to the New World from becoming generally known ; 

(128) 



THE SECOXD VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 129 

for he feared lest adventurers of other nationalities, and particularly the 
Portuguese, would follow in his steps should the road once become familiar, 
and rob the Spanish rulers of the sovereignty and emoluments which justly 
belonged to them. It was the thirteenth, however, before the wind proved 
favorable for their westward voyage; and on that day they set sail from the 
Canaries. 

The journey was not attended by anj- misfortunes, such as had marked the 
recent homeward voyage. Toward the latter part of October they were con- 
siderably alarmed b}* a storm, accompanied by the vivid lightning and heavy 
thunder of the tropics; this lasted for four hours; but they were reassured 
when they saw the lambent flames playing about the masts: with the super- 
stition of the time, they said that St. Elmo appeared on the mast, with seven 
lighted candles. Having seen this appearance, they chanted litanies and 
orisons, confident that when St. Elmo showed himself in the storm there 
would be no damage done. 

Sunday, November 3, land was descried; and because it was seen on .Sun- 
day, dies Domini, Columbus named the island Dominica. Six other islands 
were seen during the day, on one of which he landed to take formal possession 
of the archipelago in the name of Spain. 

Continuing their course, they landed the next day on an island that Colum- 
bus named Guadaloupe, in fulfillment of a promise to the monks of Our Lady 
of Guadaloupe in Estramadura to call some newly discovered place after 
their convent. The natives fled at their approach, in such haste that some 
of them even left their children behind them. The huts they found con- 
structed in a similar manner to those of the other islands which Columbus 
had visited; but much to his surprise, he found in one of them an iron pan, 
the first bit of that metal which he had seen in the New World. In another 
house was the stern-post of a vessel, which was very much like those of 
European manufacture. Columbus wondered much to see this, and was at a 
loss to know how it had been obtained. Had it been brought from some 
country near by, where the people were more civilized, as he was certain that 
the subjects of Kublai Khan were? Or was it the sole remnant of some un- 
fortunate vessel which had been driven out to sea from some voyage along 
the coast of Europe or Africa, and lost, its fragments drifting to this distant 
shore? It surely could not be the stern-post of that vessel of his own which 
had been wrecked off Hispaniola, for the parts of that had been used in the 
construction of the fortress, toward which they were presently to continue 
their voyage. 

But the most horrifying sight which they beheld, was the evidence of the 
cannibalism of the inhabitants; human skulls were used as vases and house- 
hold utensils; and other human remains were present in abundance. Fortun- 
ately for the crew of the boat that was sent to land, the men of the island 
9 



130 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUSo 



were absent on one of the predatory expeditious by which ^nt^v .errorized the 
neighboring ishiuds; and only women and boys remained to defend their 
homes. This much was ascertained from several women and a boy, who were 
captured, and who were able to communicate with them, although imperfect- 
ly, through one of the Indians who had been to Spain and returned on this 
voyage. 




Evidences of Caxxibalism. 

Much alarm was occasioned by the tidings that the captain of one of the 
caravels was missing, together with eight of his men. Every effort was made 



thp: second voyage of columhus. 131 

to find them ; and when search proved unavailing, signal guns were fired to 
attract their attention. They did not make their appearance for several days ; 
when they told a pitiful story, confirmed by their haggard looks and exhaust- 
ed strength, of being lost in the impenetrable forest, and wandering about, 
unable to find their way back until they at last reached the shore ; and by 
following that for a considerable distance, had come within sight of the fleet. 
Although the account which they gave of their sufferings w^as evidently true, 
Columbus ordered them to be placed under arrest; for they had left their 
vessel without leave and it was necessary to maintain the strictest discipline 
if the order of the expedition was to be preserved. 

While the fleet had been waiting their return, several women, who were 
captives of the fierce Caribs that inhabited this island, had sought shelter 
from their harsh masters in the ships of Columbus, and had found sympathy 
and assistance. These were on board when he set sail Nov. 10; and he had 
agreed to return them to their homes. 

Off the island, to which he gave the name of Santa Cruz, a number of 
Spaniards, who had been sent on shore to procure water, and to get such in- 
formation as they could, Avere attacked while returning to the fleet, by a 
canoe-load of natives. The white men endeavored to protect themselves 
with their bucklers ; but the long arrows of the Indians pierced these shields 
through and through, and two of the Spaniards w^ere wounded by the shafts. 

Approaching that island now known as Porto Kico, he learned that it was 
the native country of most of those who had sought refuge on board his 
ships. He landed and spent two days here; but the natives had fled in terror 
as soon as they saw the squadron, and it was exceedingly difficult to persuade 
them to return. Finally, after cruising for some days among these islands, 
Columbus and his captains proceeded toward Hispaniola, which was to be the 
end of their voyage. Here they would find their comrades who had elected 
to remain in the New World ; and here they would find what progress had 
been made in trading with the natives. 

They arrived off the eastern extremity of the island Nov. 22, and followed the 
shore for a short distance before any attempt was made to land. Then a boat 
was sent ashore, the crew of which had been detailed to bury the body of a 
sailor who had died of a wound received during the skirmish which has 
been mentioned. Here also a number of natives came on board, inviting Co- 
lumbus to land, and promising to procure him all the gold which he might 
desire. He was only anxious, however, to reach La Navidad, and dismissed 
them with presents and kind words. 

Arrived at the gulf now called Semana, he sent ashore one of the Indians 
who had accompanied him to Spain, and who was considered converted to 
Christianity, having been baptized. The native was loaded with trinkets of 
all kinds, and instructed to make friends with his countrymen in the name 



132 THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

of the white men, and induce them to meet the Admiral in council at La Xa- 
vidad; but whether he forgot the promises made while a captive, when once 
he had regained his libert}-, or whether he was robbed of all his wealth of 
trinkets, and perhaps murdered "^vas never known ; for nothing more was seen 
or heard of him. 

As several of the mariners were ranging along the coast, they found the 
bodies of a man and a boy, but so far decomposed that they could not tell if 
they were Spaniards or natives. The next day, however, their worst doubts 
were contirmed; for two other bodies w^ere found, one of which was certainly 
a European, as was seen by the beard. 

What had happened to the fortress and garrison of La Navidad? The 
frank and fearless manner of the natives, who came in numbers to visit the 
vessels, forbade the supposition that they had been massacred by the Indians; 
yet he could not explain the tinding of these two bodies in the wild forest. 

Arriving late on the evening of the 27th opposite the harbor of La Xavidad, 
he was obliged to cast anchor for the night, on account of the dangerous reefs, 
which he feared to pass in the darkness. But he determined to communicate at 
once to the garrison the glad tidings that their friends had arrived. He accord- 
ingly ordered two cannon to be fired, hoping to hear an answering report from 
the shore. But as the echo of his own guns died away, there was only the 
breaking of the waves to be heard through the stillness of the night. 

About midnight, a canoe approached the Admiral's vessel, and after the 
Indians in it were sure that Columbus was on board, they entered the ship. 
One of them who said that he was a cousin of Guacanagari, broughtas a present 
two masks ornamented with gold. He informed the Admiral that several of the 
Spaniards had died of sickness; others had fallen in a quarrel among them- 
selves; and others had removed to another part of the island, and married 
Indian women. Guacanagari had been attacked by Caonabo, the cacique of 
the fierce tribe that inhabited the gold-bearing region of Cibao; the friendly 
chief had been wounded, his village had been burned, and he now lay, helpr 
less by reason of his injury, in a neighboring hamlet. 

Some ditficulty was experienced in nuiking out the story of this Indian; for 
the only interpreter, the sole survivor of those Indians who had made the 
journey to Spain, was a native of another island, and spoke another dialect 
of the language common to many tribes. But this news relieved the mind of 
Columbus of one fear: whatever had happened to the garrison of La Navidad, 
Guacanagari had not been treacherous, but was worthy of the confidence 
which the Admiral had reposed in him. 

The Induiu envoys departed in the night, after making many promises that 
Guacanagari would visit the Admiral in person in the morning; and the ma- 
riners anxiously awaited the dawn, that they might learn ho \a' many of the 
garrison remained at the fort. 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 133 

They waited in vain for the promised visit from the cacique; and no other 
Indians in their canoes thronged the harbor, as they had been wont to do when 
the Admiral first sought shelter from his wrecked vessel here. Finally, Co- 
lumbus sent a boat ashore to reconnoiter; the crew at once sought the fort- 
ress. The ditch had been partially filled with the debris of the ruin; the 
palisades had been beaten down ; here and there, among the charred rem- 
nants of the walls, they found broken chests, spoiled provisions, and the 
ragged remains of European garments. Now and then they caught sight of 
an Indian in the distance, watching them from his lurking-place behind a 
tree; but not one approached the search party. 

Fully assured that the people of Guacanagari had wrought this destruction 
of the fortress, the party returned and reported to Columbus. He went on 
shore, to see for himself what was the condition of the colony. He found 
that they had given a correct report; and the minutest search failed to re- 
veal any traces of a human body in the ruins. Returning to the vessel, he 
gave orders that guns should be discharged at regular intervals; for he 
thought that if they had found shelter anywhere in the neighborhood, they 
would be attracted to the shore by these sounds. 

But not one came. Further search revealed the bodies of eleven men, 
buried in different places, at some distance from the fort; which were known 
by their clothing to be Europeans. These men had been dead for some time, 
for the grass was beginning to grow upon their graves. 

The Indians, after hovering timidly at a distance for some time, were finally 
induced to approach nearer, upon assurances that they would be allowed to 
depart when it pleased them. From them the story of the first European 
colony in the New World was learned by degrees. Scarcely had the Admiral 
sailed away, that the men whom he had left behind forgot his prudent coun- 
sels, and surrendered themselves to their vices. The avaricious seized upon 
the ornaments of the natives wherever they were found; the sensual were not 
content with the privileges allowed them by Guacanagari, but gave their pas- 
sions loose rein; and they quarreled among themselves with such fierceness 
that the wondering Indians, who had thought them the children of Heaven, 
came to have an entirely different idea about their origin. 

Nor did they obey those wise orders of the Admiral, that they should main- 
tain a military discipline, and keep within the bounds of the territory gov- 
erned by Guacanagari. The two lieutenants sought to make themselves 
equal with the commander; and failing in this, withdrew from the fortress, 
and set off for Cibao. This part of the island was governed by the Carib 
chief Caonabo, who had invaded the country, and finally settled there with his 
fierce followers. He was held in great fear by the peaceable natives; but he 
knew very well that his reign of terror would be over if the w^hite men, with 
their arms of thunder and lightning, should establish themselves in the island. 



134 THE SECOND VOYAGE OP COLUMBUS. 

Accordingly, no sooner bad these rebels ventured into his territory, than he 
went upon the war-path, captured them, and put them to death. 

Having full information of the original strength of the garrison, and know- 
ing what proportion of the men had fallen at the hands of his tribe, Caonabo 
resolved to attack the fortress. He made a league with the cacique of Marien, 
who dwelt to the westward of Guacanagari; and arrived in the vicinity of the 
friendly chief's village without his presence being suspected. Only ten men 
were in the fortress; the others were scattered around in various houses of 
the village; and even the handful who remained at their post maintained no 
guard. 

The Caribs are supposed to have migrated from the mainland of North 
America; and we iind this attack upon the Spaniards much like the attacks 
upon English colonies within the bounds of the present United States. There 
was a sudden burst of frightful yells; and before the startled sleepers realized 
what had happened, the whole place was v/rapped in flames, every point of 
egress barred by a phalanx of painted savages. Eight of the Spaniards rushed 
toward the sea ; with what intent, we kno- r not ; but plunging into the waves 
as a refuge from their savage foes, they were drowned. The others were 
massacred. 

Guacanagari and his people suffered for having been friends to the whites ; 
their village was attacked at the same time as the fortress; their huts were 
burned to the ground, several of his people killed, and the cacique himself 
wounded. 

Columbus visited the wounded cacique at his placeof refuge, and the chief 
himself repaid the visit by coming to the fleet. The fact that although he 
claimed his wound was very painful, no external evidence could be perceived, 
excited the suspicions of some of the followers of Columbus; and Guacana- 
gari, seeing that he was not regarded with full confidence, as on previous oc- 
casions, returned to shore, and disappeared, with all his followers, during 
the night. This gave new force to their suspicions; and Guacanagari was 
generally regarded as the traitor and the destro^-er of the fortress. 

The crowded condition of the ships made it necessary for the Spaniards to 
land as soon as possible; but the associations connected with this beautiful 
point were not such as to make them desirous of rebuilding La Navidad. They 
accordingly weighed anchor, intending to proceed to a point at some distance; 
but, compelled by the weather to put in at a harbor about ten leagues to the 
east of Monte Christi, the Admiral was struck with the advantages and beauty 
of the situation, and gave orders to begin the building of a fortress and resi- 
dences. 

It was the middle of December; but in that land where there is no winter, 
the trees were in leaf, and the birds were singing as in spring. To the men 
who had been shut up on board ship for nearly three months, the beauty of 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 135 

this teeming plain must indeed have appeared almost heavenly. An encamp- 
ment was at once formed about the point of land, protected on one side by 
the impervious forest, and on the other by a natural rampart of rocks; and 
the various artificers who had been brought from Spain busied themselves in 
erecting the houses of the new city, Isabella. 

Streets were laid out, and the plaza, that indispensable part of a Spanish 
town, was marked out. A church, a public storehouse, and a residence for 
ihe Admiral, were begun, all built of stone. Privatu houses were built of 
reeds, M^ood, plaster, or any other material which ingenuity might suggest. 
For a short time, they all worked with feverish energy. Then the enthusiasm 
ran its course, and work became more distasteful. Many of them had suf- 
fered much from seasickness, having never been accustomed to the sea; and 
these needed rest and relaxation, rather than unremitting labor. Others, 
again, had been victims of scurvy, having lived so long upon salt provisions 
and mouldy sea-biscuit. Another source of disease was found in the un- 
wonted exposure, since everybody could not be housed at once; and in the 
rank exhalations of that moist, warm earth which produced such luxuriant 
vegetation. 

Ill in body and dispirited in mind, finding that gold was to be obtained only 
in small quantities and by dint of hard work, the adventurers were disheart- 
ened at the very outset. Columbus himself did not escape the prevailing 
evils, but was stretched on a sickbed for several weeks. There is nothing 
like necessity, however, for calling forth the best powers of the mind; and 
conscious that the success of the expedition lay almost entirely in his hands, 
Columbus felt that he must succeed. Thus, although the cares and respon- 
sibilities and distress regarding the destruction of the fortress weighed far' 
more heavily on him than on any other, he did not give up; but continued, 
with indomitable energy, to direct from his sickbed the building of the city, 
and to give a general supervision to the affairs of the expedition. 

But this was not all that he had to think of. He had expected that when 
he returned to Hispaniola, he would find that the garrison of La Navidad had 
collected a considerable amount of treasure by trading with the natives; or 
that, at least, they would have ascertained where the richest mines lay, and 
where were the sources of wealthy traffic. The destruction of the fortress 
had of course ended all such hopes ; but there were the ships, waiting to make 
f he return voyage, and there was for their cargo no such store of treasure as 
his royal patrons expected to receive. There was nothing to send in them. 

He decided that the island should be thoroughly explored; convinced that 
Cibao 'was but another form of the name Cipango, he was sure that there 
must be rich and populous cities somewhere in the interior; and this terrible 
cacique, Caonabo, whose name signified " The Lord of the Golden House," 
was the very potentate from whom these stores of gold must be obtained. 



136 THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

As leader of the exploring party he chose Alonzo de Ojeda, a Spanish cav- 
alier who had gained a great reputation for courage during the Moorish wars; 
butw'hose bravery seems, to the dispassionate eyes of the nineteenth century, 
rather foolhardy daring than true courage; for true courage does not court 
danger; it only faces it calmly w^hen unavoidable. 

To such a man, however, this expedition into the interior was extremely 
alluring; and the more that was told him about the terrible reputation of 
Caonabo, the better pleased was he to see him in his mountain fastnesses. 

Many difficulties, resulting from the nature of the country, were encoun- 
tered before they reached the mountains; but they were not molested by the 
natives. The Indians, on the contrary, appeared to welcome them with kind- 
ness; the dreaded Caonabo was absent in some other part of his dominions, 
and only women and children were left to receive the strangers. 

Of course, they found no traces of the rich and magnificent cities which 
they had expected to behold; but they saw what seemed to them unmistaka- 
ble signs of the vast wealth of these regions. The sands of the mountain- 
streams glittered with particles of gold ; nuggets of considerable size were 
sometimes found in the beds of these rivulets; and rocks were discovered, 
richly seamed and streaked with the yellow metal. 

While Ojeda was absent on this exploring expedition, Columbus had sent 
another party, on a similar errand, in another direction, under the leadership 
of a young cavalier named Gorvalan. Both parties returned about the same 
time, bringing glowing accounts of the riches of the island. Columbus now 
felt assured that it was only necessary to explore the mines of Cibao thoroughly, 
in order to open up inexhaustible sources of wealth, and his sanguine expec- 
tations were fully shared by his followers. 

He dispatched twelve of the vessels of his fleet to Spain, sending such 
specimens of the wealth of the island as had been obtained; and also, speci- 
mens of all the fruits, or plants which appeared to be valuable, or were par- 
ticularly curious. The natives captured in the Caribbee Islands were also 
sent, with a recommendation that they should be carefully instructed in the 
Spanish language and the Christian faith. 

Columbus asked that further supplies might be sent him ; as their provis- 
ions were already growing scanty, and much of their wine had been lost 
through the badness of the casks. The colony was also in need of medicines, 
clothing, and arms. In addition to these, workmen skilled in mining and 
smelting and purifying ore would be required if the teeming mines of Cibao 
were to be worked; while horses were needed to use on the public works 
and in tilling the ground, and also for military service; for the Indians, un- 
accustomed to any but the smallest quadrupeds, showed the greatest fear of 
the immense beasts, horses and horned cattle, which the Spaniards had 
brought in their wonderful ships. 




Sailing among the Islands. 



(137) 



138 THE SFX'OND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

ColuQibus had devised a scheme for furnishing the ishmd with live stock 
which appears to us simply inhuman; to him, devout Christian as he was, 
wishing for nothing more strongly than to advance the interests of the Church, 
to free the Holy Land from the domination of the infidels, and to bring the 
whole world into the Christian fold, its advantages seemed to he so great that 
there was no question of right or Avrong to be considered. He proposed that 
•\n exchange should be established, l)y which Spanish merchants were to send 
live stock direct to Isabella, and receive in payment therefor slaves captured 
from the Caribs. A duty was to be levied on every slave so traded, for the 
benefit of the royal purse. 

The Admiral, thinking that he had reached the opulent countries of which 
^larco Polo had told, had long promised his royal patrons a large revenue 
from them. Trusting in these promises, they had incurred great expense 
in fitting out the second expedition. It was doubtful whether, at least 
during his absence, they would continue to grant money to pa}' expenses, 
where they had hoped to derive an income. lie felt bound to suggest some 
way in which an income could be derived from the new countries, without a 
long and tedious waiting till the mines should be developed. This was one 
reason which he had for making this suggestion. 

But it was not the one which made it seem right to his own mind. To many 
persons of that time, an observance of the forms prescribed by the Church 
appeared to be enough ; it mattered little what the course pursued in the 
ordinary' transactions of life might be. Columbus was one of these persons; 
to him, as to thousands of others, it seemed that if the Indians received a 
certain amount of instruction, and were then baptized, they would become 
by that fact Christians, and would be assured of Paradise. If, then, these 
savage islanders, who were in their own country' only a perpetual menace to 
their peaceable neighbors, could be taken to Spain, even as slaves, and there 
taught the doctrines of the Christian Church, and be brought within its fold 
by baptism, surely the good that was done would far outweigh the evil which 
lay in slavery. 

Besides, it must be remembered that slavery was not then regarded as it is 
now. One great source of the revenue which Portugal derived from her 
African possessions was the sale of slaves, captured on the coast of that con- 
tinent. Columbus had doubtless made many voyages to Africa, had perhaps 
• ngagcd in this very tratfic; and did not regard a human chattel as a thing of 
Avhich humanity cannot approve. 

The fleet sailed February 2, 1494. It Avas the intention of Columbus to 
explore the island in person as soon as possible; but at the time that the 
twelve vessels departed he was still confined to his bed. He was busily mak- 
ing arrangements for the expedition, however, in spite of being thus disabled; 
when his attention was engrossed by affairs of more pressing importance. 



[ 



THE SECONT) VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 139 

The men who had worked with much ardor at first upon the new city soon 
found their enthusiasm considerably cooled; and every day's work after that 
increased their discontent; yet so strict was the rule of the Admiral that they 
were compelled, unless actually sick, to keep on with their task. They had 
also expected to find gold much more readily than they had done; and were 
correspondingly disappointed at the news that the mines lay some distance in 
the interior, and would have to be carefully and laboriously worked. The 
departure of the fleet at this tima brought home to them the idea of their 
own country, and although obliged to serve out their term of enlistment, they 
were already sick of their bargain. 

When such a state of general dissatisfaction with the " powers that be " 
exists in any community, there is sure to be a leader ready. In this case it 
was Bernard Diaz de Pisa, who had come out as comptroller with the fleet, 
and who was so puffed up with his own importance that he had more than 
once questioned the authority of the Admiral, and had met with the result 
which might have been expected. Sore at such insults to his importance, he 
readily found followers among the dissatisfied; and proposed to them that 
they should seize upon the five remaining ships and return to Spain. Once 
there, they could easily explain their desertion, for the Admiral, as they all 
knew well, was overbearing and unjust, and had grossly misrepresented the 
wealth of these islands in the reports rendered to the sovereigns. Among 
these malcontents was an assayer named Fermin Cedo, who obstinately 
insisted that there was no gold in the island ; or at least none in such quan- 
tities as to pay for the working. He refused to be convinced by the speci- 
mens that he saw, declaring that the large grains had been melted, and in 
some cases represented the accumulations of several generations; and that 
the largest pieces were far from being pure. This opinion of an expert, in 
which many of them, from sheer discontent against the Admiral, were ready 
to concur, would justify them, as they considered, in their complaint that 
Columbus had procured their enlistment by false representations, and was 
still endeavoring to deceive the sovereigns; and Diaz de Pisa boasted loudly 
that he had sufiicient influence to obtain them a hearing at court. 

Fortunately, this conspiracy was discovered before it had made dangerous 
headway. The ringleaders were at once, by the orders of Columbus, arrested, 
and a general search for incriminating evidence instituted. In this search, 
they found, concealed in the buoy of one of the ships, a memorial in the 
handwriting of Diaz, full of the grossest misrepresentations of the Admiral. 

Although the conspiracy was thus proven, Columbus did not take harsh 
measures. He punished some of the inferior mutineers, but not as severely 
as their mutinous conduct had deserved; Diaz was confined on board one of 
the ships, until it should be convenient to send him to Spain for trial. 

But while thus lightly passing over a very grave oifense, Columbus did not 



140 THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

fail to take measures to prevent it from being repeated. He had all the guns 
and naval munitions taken out of four of the vessels and stored in the fifth, 
which was placed under the charge of men in whom he had entire confidence. 

Mild as was the punishment, and grave as was the offense, this occurrence 
was the beginning of much of Columbus' future misfortune. Whatever 
might be the extent of his services to science, or however highly he might be 
regarded by the sovereigns, he was still, to these narrow-minded Spaniards, 
1 foreigner. He stood alone; but every man that he punished had relatives 
ind friends in Spain, who thenceforth lost no opportunity of defaming the 
great discoverer. 

March 12, having attended to the punishment of those concerned in the 
mutiny, and set affairs to running smoothly again, Columbus set out on his 
journey to Cibao. His brother, Don Diego, was left in command of the settle- 
ment; but the force at his disposal was but a weak one. Every healthy per- 
son who could possibly be spared accompanied the Admiral; for he expected 
to form an establishment for working the mines, and besides, needed an 
escort sufficiently strong to assert the rights of the Spanish monarchs against 
the possible protests of the warlike savages who ruled Cibao. 

Columbus penetrated to a point about eighteen leagues from Isabella, 
where he decided to build a strong fortress of wood, for the protection of 
such workmen as might be employed in the mines about this point. This 
fortress he named St. Thomas, intending the name to be a rebuke to those 
who declared that they would not believe in the golden treasures of Cibao 
until they had seen and touched them. "While the Admiral remained to 
superintend the building of this fortress, he sent a young cavalier, with a suf- 
ficient party, to explore the neighboring country. Having received a most 
favorable report from Luxan, the leader of this party, he placed Pedro Mar- 
garite in connnand of St. Thomas, with a garrison of fifty-six men, and re- 
turned to Isabella, which he reached March 29. 

He received here the most favorable reports of the results which their la- 
bor in tilling the ground had produced. All were alike astonished at the ease 
with which a large crop was produced, and at the shortness of the time re- 
quired to bring things to maturity. But while thus encouraged by the con- 
dition of affairs at Isabella, the Admiral received a message from Pedro 
Margarite to the effect that the Indians had changed in their behavior, and 
were threatening the safety of St. Thomas. Caonabo, it was said, was assem- 
bling his warriors, and preparing for an attack. This, however, did not oc- 
casion any special uneasiness in the mind of Columbus; he contented himself 
with sending Margarite a reinforcement of twenty men; believing that the 
Indians could be readily repulsed with the increased force, guns and horses 
adding to the advantages possessed by the white men. 

A greater source of anxiety was the condition of the colony. Very many 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 141 

of the men were suffering from something like malaria, the effect of living in 
such heat and humidity, surrounded by undrained marshes and extensive 
forests. Their stock of medicines was exhausted; and, to add to the general 
discontent, flour began to get scarce. Grain they had in plenty; for wheat 
sown in January had ripened at the end of March; but thei/- only contrivance 
for grindingit was a hand-mill; aprocess too slow and laborious when so large 
a quantity was required, and so few workmen to prepare it. 

The Admiral decided that a mill and some other works important for the 
welfare of the community must be erected at once. But many of the work- 
men were sick, and it appeared that it would be a long time before these 
buildings could be completed. In this emergency, since the gentlemen of the 
colony required food as much as the laborers, the ruler directed that each 
one, no matter what his rank, should share inthe work for the common good. 
This was considered a cruel degradation by the proud young Spanish nobles, 
and they tried by every means to escape it. But discipline was strict, and 
Columbus was the supreme authority in the island; they were obliged to 
obey. 

In order to prevent the evils which arise from lack of occupation, Columbus 
determined, as soon as the pressing difficulty about food was settled, to send 
all the available force on an exploring expedition into the interior. Every 
healthy person, not absolutely necessary for the care of the sick, was accord- 
ingly put under arms; they numbered nearly four hundred, including the 
officers; and under the command of Ojeda, set out for St. Thomas. Here 
Ojeda was to remain in command of the post, while Margarite was to conduct 
the main body of the troops on a military tour, for the thorough exploration 
first of Cibao, and then of the other parts of the island. 

Written instructions were sent to Margarite, to treat the Indians kindly 
and justly, but to deal rigorously with any who were detected in theft; all re- 
quired supplies were to be purchased, not taken by force. A strict discipline 
was to be maintained among his men, and they were not to be suffered to 
wander from the main body. 

It was the intention of Columbus to make another voyage of discovery in 
the bays and channels to the west of their present situation. For this pur- 
pose he would need no more than the force required to man the vessels which 
he intended to take. Having made arrangements for the government of the 
colony during his absence, by appointing a junta of which his brother Don 
Diego was president, he set out upon this voyage. 

The two largest ships were left at Isabella, as being unfit for purposes of 
exploration ; the others, of light draught, and therefore able to penetrate 
where the others could not go, were chosen for the purpose. He intended to 
visit Cuba, reaching it at about the point where he had discontinued his ex- 
plorations on his first voyage, and following its coast-line until he should 



142 THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

reach — if it were indeed the extremity of the continent of Asia — the wealthy 
and populous lands described by Polo and Mandeville. 

Had lie kept to this intention, he would of course have tV.und that Cuba 
was an i^^land; but he was attracted hy the appearance of Jamaica, and sailed 
toward that body of land, being assured by the Cubans that gold was to be 
found there. He reached the western extrenn't}' of the island, when the wind 
changed, and became unfavorable for further advance. He accordingly re- 
turned to Cuba, where he endeavored to learn from the people something of 
its extent. Several caciques assured him that it was endless; an assertion 
which he was quite willing to believe. At last, one of thorn told him that he 
could learn more from the inhabitants of a country to the west, called Mangon. 
The word was welcome to his ears; for was it not the same as ]Nrangi, the 
name of the richest province of Cathay? To add to the certainty, this cacique 
informed him that the people of Mangon had tails like those of animals; 
and wore long garments to conceal the deformity. He at once recalled a 
story told by Sir John Mandeville, of a people of the far east who could im- 
agine no reason for their neighbors' wearing clothes, unless they had some- 
thing of the kind to hide ; and who accordingly circulated the report that these 
neighbors had tails. As for the garments, it was a well-known fact that the 
subjects of the great Khan wore long flowing robes of richest texture. 

But they found themselves involved in narrow and shallow channels, almost 
choked with sand, where they found it impossible to proceed until they saw 
that they could not get out any other way. Their vessels had received con- 
siderable injury, having run aground often, and had to be helped along 
by the use of the capstan. Their cables and rigging were worn, their pro- 
visions scanty and becoming unfit for use, and the crews worn out b}' inces- 
sant labor. Still they had not found any sign of a civilized people; and they 
demanded that the vessels should be turned toward Isabella. It Avas certain, 
they said, that this vast body of land could not be an island; for they had 
already coasted three hundred and thirty-five leagues, and yet saw no sign of 
any end to the land. Columbus, anxious to prove that this was the view of 
all on board, sent a notary around to every person on board the vessels, from 
the master to the cabin-boy, to ask each if he had any doubt that this land 
was not an island; if he had the slightest, he was at once to declare it, and 
the reasons for it, that the matter might be investigated at once, and forever 
set at rest. Each one declared, under oath, that he believed this to be a part 
of the mainland of Asia. Many experienced navigators, and others well versed 
in the geographical knowledge of the day, w^ere on board, and this opinion 
was on their part, the result of careful study of their charts, and mature de- 
liberation. 

Yet at the very time that these affidavits were made, they were almost with- 
in sight of the group of islands to the south; beyond which, after an hour's 



I 



THE SECOND VOYAiJE OF COLUMBUS. 143 

sail, they might have seen the open sea. Two or three days' advance would 
have proved to Columbus that this belief that Cuba was a part of the main- 
land was a mistake; but this proof was never given him; he died in the be- 
lief that this was the extremity of the Asiatic continent. 

Losing sight of the eastern extremity of Jamaica August 19, they sailed to- 
ward Hispaniola. But on the way thither, Columbus was seized with a strange 
sickness. The hardships and privations which he had shared with his men, 
joined to the anxieties and responsibilities which were his alone, had proved 
too much for his years; for he was now past sixty, and his life had been so 
full of cares and adventures and hardships that his years pressed heavily up- 
on him. While his vessels were struggling to make their way through peril- 
ous and unknown channels, he was ever on the alert; for their safety depended 
on his watchfulness. While there was still an immediate prospect of reach- 
ing the territories of the Khan, excitement kept him up. . But when this hope 
was abandoned for the present, and the caravels rode in a calm and well-known 
sea, he gave way, and sank into a deej) slumber which closely resembled 
death. 

His frightened crew hastened toward Isabella, followed by the two other 
caravels, arriving there Sept. 4. The unconscious Admiral was conveyed on 
shore to his residence, and the utmost available skill exercised to effect a 
cure. 

When he became conscious of his surroundings, what was his surprise to 
find his brother Bartholomew at his bedside ! This w^as the brother who had 
undertaken to lay before Henry VH. of England, the great project of a west- 
ern route to India. Captured and plundered by a corsair, he was delayed in 
reaching his destination for several years. Arrived at London, he submitted 
the question to the King, w^ho acted more readily than Ferdinand and Isabella. 
Bartholomew was bidden to return to Spain, to bring his brother to England, 
that final arrangements might be made. On reaching Paris, he learned, for 
the first time, that the tardy Spanish sovereigns had provided the armament 
for which his brother had asked, the great discovery had been made, and the 
two vessels had returned in safety. 

The Admiral was the darling of fortune at the Spanish court; and his 
brother felt his reflected glory even in Paris, distant as it then was from Mad- 
rid and Barcelona; for the distance between the two places is to be reckon- 
ed, not by miles, but by the time required to reach one from the other. But 
although the brother of the greatest man then living, he was short of money. 
This, however, was easily remedied; and no less a personage than the King 
of France furnished money to defray the expenses of his journey from Paris 
to Seville. 

He reached Seville just as the Admiral had departed on his second voyage. 
Repairing at once to the court, he was well received; and Ferdinand and Isa- 



144 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 



bclla, understanding that he was an able and experienced navigator, gave him 
three vessels, freighted with supplies for the infant colon}-, and sent him to 
his brother's aid. Again he arrived just too late; reaching Isabella a few 
daj'S after the expedition for the exploration of Cuba had sailed. 




Bartholomkw Columbus. 

Columbus now had his two brothers at his side. '* 1 have never had any 
better friend," he wrote to his sons, *' on my right hand and on my left hand, 
than my brothers." Diego was of a gentle and retiring disposition, scarcely 
fitted for the command of men; but Bartholomew more closely resembled 
his brother Christopher. 

The Admiral accordingly determined to relieve himself, during his present 
ill-health, of the cares of state; and appointed his brother Bartholomew 
Adelantado, or lieutenant-governor. This appointment was much resented by 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 145 

the sovereigns, when they heard of it ; as they considered that officers of such 
high rank ought to be appointed by them only. This was one instance in 
which the star of Columbus began to wane ; henceforward, we find many such 
cases, until it sets at last, in obscurity, disgrace, and death. 

We have seen the departure of Pedro Margarite from St, Thomas, with his 
little army of about four hundred men. He disregarded the instructions of 
Columbus almost from the start; and succeeded in making enemies of the 
gentle and peaceable natives. He was reproved by Diego Columbus and his 
council; but disregarded the reproof, refusing to acknowledge their author- 
ity. He found a willing lieutenant in his defiance in Friar Boyle, or Buil, as 
the name is sometimes written; who was the head of the religious fraternity, 
a member of the council, and apostolical vicar of the Kew World. It is not 
easy to find why this priest should have been so determined an enemy of Co- 
lumbus; but throughout the history of the colony he had thrown difficulties 
in the way of the Admiral, and now joined himself with the rebel Margarite. 

They decided to return to Spain; and seizing upon the vessels which had 
brought out Bartholomew Columbus, they set sail, accompanied by those who 
were discontented with their residence in the colony and displeased with the 
rule of Columbus. The departure of Margarite left the army without a head ; 
and the soldiers scattered in small bands over the countr}', indulging in all 
kinds of excesses. The Indians had become changed, by the treatment re- 
ceived at the hands of the Spaniards, into vindictive enemies; and whenever 
they met small parties of soldiers, attacked and slew them. Success made 
them bolder; and Guarionex, one of the caciques, put to death ten Spaniards 
who had quartered themselves in his town, and followed up the massacre by 
setting fire to a house in which forty-six of their countrymen were lodged. 
He then threatened to attack a small fortress which had been built in his 
neighborhood; and the garrison was obliged, through fear of him, to remain 
shut up until reinforcements could rearh them. 

A more formidable enemy still was Caonabo, who had been enraged by the 
erection of the fortress St. Thomas within the very center of his dominions. 
He assembled an army of ten thousand warriors, and stole through the forest, 
hoping to find the fortress but slightly guarded. But Ojeda was not the 
soldier to be destroyed because he felt too secure; his forces were drawn up 
within the stronghold, and Caonabo saw that an attack by his naked warriors 
would be hopeless. 

Still he did not despair; but surrounding the fort, and shutting up every 
path through the forest by which relief might come, proceeded to reduce it 
by famine. The siege lasted for thirty days, and the garrison was reduced to 
great distress. It was now that Ojeda showed anobler courage than even his 
daring feats during the Moorish wars had indicated; constantly leading his 
men wherever opportunity offered for a successful sally, he wrought great 
10 



146 THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBrS. 

havoc in the ranks of the enemj-, and finally wore out the patience of the 
savages. The siege was raised and Caonabo retired. 

But the cacique did not despair of reducing the white power in the island; 
he formed the design of securing the assistance of the other caciques — there 
were five principal rulers in Hispaniola — and making a concerted attack upon 
Isabella, the weakness of which was well known to him. But this design 
proved impracticable by reason of Guacanagari's fidelity to the Spaniards. 
His territories lay nearest the town; and without his assistance, or at least 
connivance, they could not hope to accomplish their end. The angry savages 
made several attacks upon him, hoping to force him to yield; and inilicted 
various injuries upon him and his people; but he remained firm in what he 
considered his duty to the strangers; and for awhile the Spaniards were safer 
than, as a whole, they deserved to be. 

Columbus, although still unable to leave his bed, was obliged to take active 
measures to undo the mischief that had been done during his absence. He 
received a visit from Guacanagari, and cemented a friendship with the faith- 
ful Indian. He took measures to punish the tributary cacique who had mas- 
sacred the Spaniards at Fort Magdalena, managing at the same time to avoid 
war with his superior chief, Guarionex; and to establish a fort in the very 
midst of his territories. 

But the most formidable enemy of all was Caonabo, who was yet untouched 
by any negotiation. Ojeda requested the privilege of trying to capture him, 
and Columbus readily assented. 

The cavalier chose ten followers, of whose courage he was well assured; 
and set out for the territory of the cacique. Approaching him with much 
deference, he represented himself as an envoy from the Grand Cacique of 
the Spaniards, sent to treat with the great Chief Caonabo on equal terms. 
The savage, greatly flattered at the idea, received him kindly and entertained 
him handsomely. There was no one whom Columbus could have sent who 
would have been received with more respect; for Caonabo had tried Ojeda's 
skill and courage as a warrior, and looked up to him accordingly. 

The cavalier's skill in all the manly exercises practiced by the knights of 
that day excited still further the admiration of the cacique; and what was 
apparently a warm friendship sprang up between them. But one was wily 
^s the other; the cavalier was waiting to entrap the chief; and the chief was 
iletermined to outwit the cavalier. 

At last, Ojeda broached the subject of a treaty between his host and the 
Spaniards, and begged the cacique to goto Isabella to conclude one with Co- 
lumbus. The chief hesitated; one inducement after another was offered; 
and finally Ojeda promised him the bell of the chapel. This bell was regarded 
by the Indians as possessed of magical powers; they had seen the Spaniards 
hurrying to mass at the sound of it, and were accustomed to say that it could 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 147 

talk. They called it turey, a word which they frequently applied to the he- 
longiugs of the strangers, and which really meant in their language, heavenly. 
The idea of possessing the turey talking bell was too much for Caonabo's 
persistence; he agreed to go to Isabella and make a treaty of peace with 
Columbus. 

Ojeda congratulated himself upon his success; and anxiously awaited the 
day set by the cacique for their departure. It came, and with it Caonabo, 
attended by an armed force of fully five thousand warriors. Aghast at this 
display of power, Ojeda demanded to know why he took such a force with 
him upon a mere friendly visit; Caonabo replied that it did not become a 
great cacique like himself to travel without many attendants. Ojeda pro- 
fessed himself satisfied, although he feared that it was the intention of Cao- 
nabo to surprise the fortress, or make some attempt on the person of Colum- 
bus, and Ojeda was well aware of what would become of the colony without 
the Admiral at the head of its affairs. 

As they journeyed onward, he revolved in his mind various schemes to ob- 
tain possession of the person of Caonabo without exciting the suspicions of 
his men. At last he hit upon one. Having halted one day near the Little 
Yagui,the cavalier produced a pair of brightly burnished steel handcuffs, and 
displayed them to the wondering chief. In reply to his question as to their 
purpose, Ojeda gravely informed him that they were a kind of bracelet worn, 
on state occasions, by the Spanish King; and that these had been sent as a 
present to the great cacique Caonabo. He proposed that the chief should go 
to the river and bathe, after which he should be invested with these bracelets, 
and set upon Ojeda's horse, so as to astonish his people by assuming the state 
of a Spanish monarch. Caonabo was quite ready to assent; pleased as a 
child at the idea of mounting the horse, he was by no means disappointed 
when Ojeda explained that of course he would himself ride in front, and 
guide the animal; for the bravest of the Indians were still somewhat afraid 
of the strange beasts. 

The program was carried out, as Ojeda had planned it. Caonabo repaired 
to the river and bathed — probably the fastidious cavalier had good reason to 
insist on this preliminary — was assisted to mount behind Ojeda, and the gyves 
were adjusted on his wrists, and closed with a snap. Proudly he sat, as they 
rode into the presence of his assembled men; and proudly he called their at- 
tention to the turey bracelets of shining white metal, unlike any that they 
possessed. The Indians gazed admiringly, while Ojeda, telling Caonabo that 
the Spanish monarchswere accustomed to ride \\\ circles about their subjects, 
gave reign to his horse, and rode about the Indians. So absorbed were they 
in watching the new grandeur of their chief that they did not notice bow 
Ojeda's men had withdrawn from their midst, and had in fact quite disap- 
Dcared. AVider and wider grew the circles, until they carried the riders quite 



148 THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

out of sight. Suddenly, Caonabo saw himself surrounded by Ojeda's men, 
and was told that death would be the result if he made any outcry. His own 
followers were out of sight and hearing; and, a helpless prisoner in the hands 
of the Spaniards, he was taken to Isabella. 

Curiously enough, this exploit did not diminish the liking or respect which 
Caonabo entertained for Ojeda ; it rather increased his respect, since the caval- 
ier had daring and cunning enough to carry off a chief from the midst of his 
warriors, without provoking a battle. He manifested much more reverence 
for his captor than for the Admiral, saying disdainfully that Columbus had 
never dared come to his home personally and seize him. 

The great enemy of disorder being thus helpless, and only awaiting the de- 
parture of a vessel to be sent to Spain for trial, Columbus was at full liberty 
to attend to other needs of his colony. Much of the existing distress was 
allayed by the arrival of four ships; which brought not only the necessary 
supplies, but also a physician and an apothecary, and workmen of various 
trades. 

The letters received by this fleet were of the most gratifying kind ; express- 
ing, as they did, the royal approval of all that Columbus had done; and in- 
forming him that arrangements would be made to dispatch a caravel each 
mouth from Spain, and directing that one should sail from Isabella at the 
same interval. A letter addressed to the colonists collectively bade them 
obey Columbus implicitly, threatening punishment for each offense against 
the regulations he might enact. 

Eager to send home such evidences of the wealth of the country as he could, 
Columbus collected all the gold possible, and with specimens of other metals, 
various fruits, and valuable plants, he freighted the vessels. But these inno- 
cent articles of commerce were not all. Five hundred Indian captives were 
sent to be sold as slaves in Seville. 

The capture of Caonabo had not put an end to the Indian league, as the 
Spaniards had hoped. The leadership was taken up by the brother of the 
cacique, Manicaotex, and by the neighboring cacique Behecio, whose sister, 
Anacaona, was the favorite wife of Caonabo. Columbus learned that the 
Indian force was assembled in the Vega, but two days' journey from Isabella; 
and that they intended marching upon the settlement, and overwhelming it 
by pure force of numbers. He hastily assembled his little army — two hundred 
infantry, and a cavalry force of twenty, the latter under the leadership of 
Ojeda. His soldiers were armed with cross-bows, swords, lances, and the 
heavy arquebuses then in use; which were so unwieldy that they were usually 
provided with a rest, and sometimes were mounted on wheels. His men were 
cased in steel and covered by their great bucklers; and thus equipped, formed 
a force which could with safety attack twenty times their number of naked 
savages. They had another assistance in their fight — they were accompanied 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 149 

by about twenty blood-liounds, which, at a word from their masters, would 
spring upon the enemy, drag them to the earth, and tear them to pieces. 

March 27, 1495, Columbus issued from the gates of Isabella and proceeded 
toward the Vega with his little army. The Indians were hid in the forest 
which on all sides surrounded this beautiful open plain ; but they sent their 
scouts to count the enemy. They had but little skill in arithmetic, and had 
no word in their language for a higher number than ten ; they were accus- 
tomed, however, to give accurate reports of the force brought by an enemy, 
by allowing a grain of corn for each warrior, and displaying the number to 
the cacique. In the present case, it was a mere handful; and the Indians 
felt confident of victory. 

By skillful maneuvering, Columbus managed to get his enemies all into 
one body, on a plain interspersed with clusters of forest trees, near the spot 
where the town of St. Jago now stands. By the advice of Don Bartholomew, 
he divided his force into several detachments, and advanced upon them from 
several directions at once. 

The sudden clamor of the drums and trumpets alarmed the Indians ; and 
almost at the same moment that these were heard, a destructive fire was 
poured from the groups of trees. It seemed that thunder and lightning had 
been brought down from heaven for their destruction ; and upon the miserable 
frightened wretches poured a steady rain of arrows. The cavalry dashed in 
upon them, hacking and hewing as they rode them down; and the terrible 
blood-hounds were let loose, seizing the naked savages by the throat and 
dragging them to the earth, to be literally torn to pieces. Such was the war- 
fare of a Christian nation at the end of the fifteenth century; at the end of 
the nineteenth, the process is simpler and more refined ; a machine-gun is 
brought up, and volley after volley of shot poured upon the enemy; or a 
shell is sent shrieking through the air, to explode in the midst of the camp. 

Well satisfied with the decisive victory thus obtained, Columbus returned 
to Isabella; and almost immediately set out upon a military tour of the island, 
to reduce the other inhabitants to subjection. All the caciques except Behe- 
cio w^ere brought to sue for peace; and he retired with his sister, to the dis- 
tant part of the island which was his by right. 

Columbus had at first dreamed of ruling these people as their benefactor. 
The wrongs done them by his own followers had prevented the possibility of 
this; and he now must rule them as a conqueror. He accordingly demanded 
that they should pay him tribute. In the regions of the mines, each Indian 
above the age of fourteen was required to pay, every three months, a hawks' 
bell full of gold-dust — an amount equivalent, at the present day, to about fif- 
teen dollars of United States money. Those who lived where gold was not 
obtainable, were required to furnish, instead, twenty-five pounds of cotton 
each, and at the same interval of time. Copper medals were struck, different 



150 THE SECO>'D VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

for each quarter of the year; and given as receipts to the Indians -who had 
paid their tribute, to be worn suspended around their necks. The caciques 
were required to pay a much larger personal tribute, of course, than their 
subjects. 




Spaniards Setting Do*is ox Indians. 
{From an Old Engraring.) 

The fortresses already built were strengthened, and others were erected, in 
order to keep the Indians in subjection, and enforce the payment of this trib- 
ute. It was not paid without protest. Guarionex represented to Columbus 
that there were no mines in his district ; that the only gold was in the grains 
washed down by the streams, which his people were not skilled in collecting. 
He offered, instead of this tribute, to cultivate a strip of ground from sea to 
sea, and pay the grain in phu-e of the gold; but although, according to the 
calcuhition of a contemporary historian, this was enough, in one year, to have 



THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMliUS. 151 

fed the whole populationof Castile for ten years, the proposition was rejected. 
Columbus, however, compromised with the cacique, agreeing to accept one- 
half the quantity which had been originally demanded. 

A patient people may bear tyranny a longtime ; but there is a point beyond 
which patience not only ceases to be a virtue, but to be a possibility. The 
Indians had now rt^aclied that point; they could not pay the tribute which 
was demauch'd; and they resolved to rid themselves forever of the white 
Cien. 

They had tried war, and found themselves beaten. They now resolved to 
starve the Spaniards out. But in making this effort, they seemed to forget 
that they too must suffer; and in fact they did suffer far more than the Span- 
iards did Many thousands of them perished miserably, of hunger, or disease 
produced by privation, or exhaustion brought on by exertion under such con- 
ditions. The remnant of them crept back to their homes, submitting humbly 
to the harsh rule of the conquerors. 

While these things were going on, Margarite and Friar Boyle had reached 
Spain, and laid their case before the court. They accused Columbus of de- 
ceiving his royal patrons regarding the wealth to be derived from the islands, 
which they declared would always be a source of expense rather than of 
profit ; and they declared that he had treated his followers harshly and cruelly ; 
laying especial stress upon the indignities which he had heaped upon the gen- 
tlemen of the colony. It was the signal for the sovereigns to withdraw their 
favor from Columbus; and gradually from this time forth, we find them hold- 
ing him in less esteem. Fortunately for him, however, the representations of 
Margarite and his reverend accomplice had hardly reached the royal ear when 
the ships commanded by Torres arrived in Spain, bringing information that 
Columbus had returned from his voyage of discovery to Isabella, and was 
fully assured that Cuba was a part of the mainland of Asia. The effect was 
immediately apparent; instead of leaving the appointment of a commissioner 
to investigate affairs in Hispaniola to Fonseca, almost an open enemy of 
Columbus, the King and Queen took the matter in Land themselves, and ap- 
pointed Juan Aguado. He had accompanied Columbus to Hispaniola, and 
on his return to Spain had been strongly recommended to royal favor by the 
Admiral. It was generally thought, then, that Ferdinand and Isabella had 
acted directly in the interests of Columbus by appointing this man to inspect 
the affairs of the colony. 

As to the Indian prisoners who were sent to be sold as slaves, the Queen 
did not altogether approve of the idea. A royal order had been issued per- 
mitting the sale; but within five days thereafter it was suspended, until the 
sovereigns could inquire into the nuitter, and learn from wise and pious the- 
ologians whether they might with a clear conscience allow the sale to go on. 
The priests differed much upon the subject ; and the Queen finally decided it 



I'y2 THE SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

for ht'iself. She ordered that the Indians should be sent back to Hispaniola, 
and that only the gentlest means should be used in the effort to convert them 
to Christianity. Thus amid the temptations of a queen-regnant's position did 
Isabella of Castile keep her faith unspotted from the world, and decide a 
vexed question in accordance with the true teachings of the religion which 
she professed. 

Aguado arrived at Isabella while Columbus was still absent on his tour 
through the island. His arrival was the signal for disorder of all kinds; for 
he gave out that he was come to right every wrong that had been done by the 
Admiral. The report was circulated that the downfall of Columbus and his 
family was at hand; Aguado refused to acknowledge the authority of the 
Adelantado; and a report was actually circulated through the island that a 
new Admiral had arrived; and that the old one was to be put to death. 

Undoubtedly there were evils existing in the colony; some of them were 
brought about by the officials, some by the colonists; some of them had arisen 
without much fault on either side. But whether it was the misdeeds of the 
colonists, the neglect of the orders of Columbus by the minor officials, orany 
other cause which produced them, the ungrateful Aguado, '* dressed in a lit- 
tle brief authority," displayed his weakness of head and heart by blaming all 
upon Columbus. Nor was this all; he interfered in the government ; ordered 
the arrest of some persons; called to account the officers appointed by the 
Admiral; and refused to respect any of his regulations. He finally insinuated 
that the prolonged absence of Columbus was due to fear of the royal com- 
missioner's investigation. 

Columbus returned, having heard of the arrival of Aguado and of his 
behavior. Much to Aguado's disappointment, he behaved with grave and 
punctilious courtesy; and ordered the letter of credence which the envoy had 
brought to be publicly proclaimed the second time, that all might hear the 
will of the sovereigns. Aguado had hoped that he Mould indulge in violent 
language, which might be construed as disrespectful to the royal authority; 
but Columbus was too wary for this. 

Everywhere, however, Columbus was looked upon as the setting, and 
Aguado as the rising sun. Even the Indians, hoping something from a 
change of masters, brought their complaints against the Admiral, as the 
author of all the wrongs that they had suffered. Aguado considered that he 
had collected enough testimony to ruin his benefactor, and prepared to return 
to Spain, to lay it all before Ferdinand and Isabella. 

Columbus resolved to return, also; knowing that he had no friends at 
court, but many enemies. But just as they were ready to depart, a terrible 
hurricane, such as the Spaniards had never before seen or heard of, and more 
destructive than any that the Indians had ever witnessed, swept over the 
island. The four caravels of Aguado were completely destroyed; also two 




An Aboriginal Kace Working in Mines. 



(153) 



lo-i THE JiECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. 

others, which were in the harbor with them. The Xina was the only vessel 
that survived the storm : and it would have been foolhardy to attempt the 
voyage in her alone. Columbus at once gave orders that new vessels should 
be constructed from the fragments of those destroyed. 

During the delay thus occasioned, welcome tidings reached the settlement : 
mines of great importance had at last been discovered. The discovery was 
brought about by singular and romantic means. A young Spaniard, Miguel 
Diaz, had wounded a comrade in a quarrel, and fearing the punishment whichr 
would be meted out to him by the Adelantado, he fled into the wilderness. 
He was accompanied by live or six comrades, who, like himself, had *' left 
their country [or colony] for their country's good." Kindly received by the 
Indians who were settled near the mouth of the Ozema, governed by a female 
cacique, they remained there for some time. Diaz and the cacique loved 
each other, and she became his wifq by the simple Indian ceremony. But he 
grew homesick for civilization; and she, fearing to lose him, resolved to de- 
vise some means of enticing the Spaniards to that part of the island. She 
told him of rich mines in the neighborhood, and urged him to invite them to 
leave the unhealthful situation of Isabella, and settle near the villages of her 
people. He caught at the suggestion; and finding upon investigation that 
the mines were indeed rich, he set off to Isabella, about fifty leagues away 
through the trackless forest. The guides with which his wife had furnished 
him, however, found their way; and he brought the welcome tidings to the 
Admiral, just at the time when such news was more welcome than ever it 
would have been before this time of trial. 

Assured that the wounded man had recovered, that no punishment awaited 
him, and that he had rendered a great service to the Admiral, as well as to his 
sovereigns, it was with a light heartthat young Diaz set out on the homeward 
journey, as the guides of the Adelantado, 

Bartholomew Columbus returned with a most favorable report, and valua- 
ble specimens of gold which had been found with little difliculty. He reported 
also that there was some evidence that the mines had been regularly worked 
in some former time, though the Indians now contented themselves with such 
gold as could be separated from the sands of the river by the simplest pro- 
cess of washing. With his usual splendor of imagination, Columbus at once 
jumped to the conclusion that these were the ancient mines of Ophir, whence 
King Solomon had derived the vast amount of gold used in the temple. 

But whoeverhad worked the mines in the past, the fact that they had been 
discovered in the present was enough to gild all the dreams of Columbus, and 
to make him sure of a more favorable reception at court than he nnght 
otherwise have been granted. As soon as the second caravel was completed, 
they made read}" to depart; Columbus in one, Aguado in the other; and 
March 10, 1496, they set sail from Isabella for Spain. 



CHAPTER V. 
thp: last voyages of columbus. 

Arrival at Cadiz— Reception at Court — "Gold iu Bars'' — A Thoughtful Queen — Third 
Voyage of Columbus — Departure from Spain — La Trinidad — The Continent Discovered — The 
l^nd of Pearls — The Earthly Paradise — Building of San Domingo — Conspiracy of Indians — 
Uoidan's ReVjellion — Dangers of the Government — Indian Insurrection — Guarionex Captured 
— Koldan's Luck — Terms Made with the Rebels — Bobadilla in Hispaniola — His Course — 
Uncertainty of Columbus — Return to San Domingo^Columbus in Chains — His Brothers 
Arrested — The "Reward of Services" — Embarkation of Columbus — Arrival in Spain — 
P'erdinand's Jealousy and Distrust — Ovando Appointed Governor — Wrongs of the Indians — 
A Great Fleet — Columbus Plans a Crusade — Ferdinand's Substitute — Fourth Voyage of Colum- 
bus — Sails from Spain — Ovando Refuses Shelter — His Ships — The Predicted Storm — Results — 
Cruising — Adventures on Land — A Daring Messenger — Reaches Jamaica — Courage of Mendez 
— Anxiety of the Castaways — Mutiny of Porras — Columbas Predicts an Eclipse — Terror of the 
Natives — An Insolent Messenger — The Mutiny Ended — Assistance Arrives — Columbus 
Reaches Spain — Death of Isabella — Illness of Columbus — Assistance of Vespucius — Ferdi- 
nand's Delay — A Compromise Proposed — Rejection — A Last Gleam of Hope — Death of 
Columbur- — His Burial — Ceremonies Attending the Removal to Havana. 

(5 I HE two vessels had expected to purchase food from the natives of the 
^1 neighboring islands ; but in this they were disappointed. In conse- 
quence there was nearly a famine on board before the end of the voy- 
age was reached ; and the firmness and determination of Columbus alone 
saved the half-starved sailors from killing and eating the Indian prisoners, 
among whom was Caonabo. 

After many delays, they arrived at Cadiz June 11. Columbus found in 
the harbor three caravels ready to sail with supplies for the colony ; and 
the letters which were to have been delivered to him at Isabella were put 
into his hands at Cadiz. Sending careful instructions to his subordinates 
in accordance with the wishes of the sovereigns, as here expressed, he pro- 
ceeded to notify the King and Queen formally of his arrival. 

Their reply reached him July 12; it congratulated him on his safe re- 
turn, and invited him to repair to court when he should have recovered from 
the fatigues of his jotirney. The tenor of this letter was a surprise to Co- 
lumbus, who had expected, after the behavior of Aguado, to find that he 
was in deep disgrace at court. Surprised and delighted to find that Fer- 
dinand and Isabella retained their appreciation of the services which he 
had rendered, and were apparently not influenced by the efforts of his 
slanderous enemies, Columbus proposed to them a new enterprise. 

But Ferdinand was then engaged in extensive military operations, the ob- 

(155) 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. . 157 

ject of which was to add to his dominions the kingdom of Naples; he was 
also busily arranging such marriages for his children as would be likely to 
extend his empire. ' Both enterprises took time and money; and it was only 
after considerable delay that Columbus obtained a grant of six millions of 
maravedis — equivalent, in present value, to about fifty-four thousand dollars 
in United States money — to fit out the squadron which he had requested. 

But money granted is not money secured. Just as "the law's dela}-" 
seemed to be over, and Columbus was definitely promised this sura from the 
royal treasury, Pedro Nino, a captain of the fleet with which Columbus had 
sailed to Ilispaniola, arrived at Cadiz with three caravels, freighted, he said, 
with gold in bars. Instead of making a formal report as soon as he landed, 
he went straight to his home in Huelva, to visit his family. 

The report of the "gold in bars" raised the wildest expectations, not only in 
the people, but in Columbus and the sovereigns. To the King, especially, 
the news was welcome; and he appropriated, for the purpose of repairing a 
fortress, the sum which had been granted to Columbus, arranging that the 
Admiral should draw the equivalent amount from the cargo of Nino's vessels. 

Meanwhile, all were upon the tiptoe of expectation, to see the first great 
amount of treasure which had been brought from the New World. Colum- 
bus readily understood whence it had come; the newly discovered mines of 
Hayna, the ancient Ophir, were beginning to yield up their vast stores of 
yellow metal; and since this came so soon after their opening, it was evident 
that the quantity of gold there to be found was something wonderful, incal' 
culable. 

Nino returned to his vessels; and then the truth was made known. He 
was a miserable maker of jokes; the " gold in bars,' ' the rumor of which had 
created such excitement, was represented by the Indians whom he had 
brought, and who were expected, when sold as slaves, to furnish gold in con- 
siderable quantities. 

The ready money which was to furnish the ships had been spent on the 
frontier fortress, and there was nothing for Columbus to do but to wait until 
another grant had been made. The King had never been as favorably dis- 
posed toward the enterprise as the Queen had shown herself; and his mind 
was now more readily poisoned against Columbus. He did not see any proofs 
of the great wealth which the Admiral had promised, and he scarcely believed 
that there was any foundation for these golden expectations. Isabella, how- 
ever, seems to have been actuated by different motives; less narrow-minded 
than Ferdinand, she saw that, whether the colony continued to be a source 
of expense or not, much was ultimately to be gained by supporting it, and by 
furnishing Columbus with the means to prosecute his plans. But the Queen's 
resources were limited; the treasury of Castile had furnished a marriage- 
portion to the Princess Juana, and had liberally endowed Prince Juan, the 



158 



THK LAST VOYAGES UF COLI.MIU 



heir to the throne, when he marrieil an Austrian princess in the spring of 
1497. The Princess IsabeUa was now betrothed to the young King of Portu- 
gal, the successor of King John: and a marriage-portion nnist be found 
for her. 

Still, the Queen considered carefully the ques-tiou of how these vessels 
were to be furnished; until her attention was distracted from state affairs 
by the death of her son, a few months after his marriage. Even in her grief, 
she was not unmindful of Columbus; his two sons had been pages in the 
household of the prince; she now ordered that they ^nould hold a similar 
office in her own. 




"Goi.n IX Baks." 

There was no danger then, that Isabella wcndil forget the great discover- 
er and the services which he had rendered. The difficulty was, as we have 
seen, for her to tiud the money; and she at last actually took it from that 
which had been set aside as the marriage portion of the Infanta Isabella. 

This was finally arranged in the spring of 1498; and on May oO of that 
year, Columbus sailed with his squadron of six vessels on his third voyage of 
discovery. He proposed now to take a different route frcnn that whi(.h he 
had before pursued, sailing much farther south; for he believed that under 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 159 

the equator he shoukl find much rarer and richer productions than anywhere 
else; and this belief was supported by the opinion of Jayne Ferrer, an em- 
inent and learned lapidary, who had traveled much, especially in Asia, and 
was well versed, as the learning of the time went, in geography and natural 
history. 

For two months after they sailed from Spain, they did not reach the west- 
eiMi land. Part of the time they were becalmed in the midst of such intense 
h(^at that the tar melted from the ships, and the seams opened, causing nuich 
leakage. Their meat had spoiled; the wheat was parched as if by fire; and 
there was not more than a single cask of water in each vessel. Columbus had 
vowed that if he were permitted to find the land which he expected, he would 
name it in honor of the Trinity; what was his surprise, then, when the look- 
out, about noon on the last day of the year, declared that he saw three 
mountains rising out of the Avater. The ships drew nearer, and it was seen 
that the mountains were united at the base. With pious exultation, Colum- 
bus bestowed upon it the name which it still bears — La Trinidad. 

The ships cast anchor and ol)tained a supply of water. While coasting 
along this island, Columbus observed, to the south, low-lying land, stretching 
more than twenty leagues. He named it La Isla Santa, supposing it, like the 
other land that he had discovered, to be an island. It was in fact that por- 
tion of South America which is intersected by the mouths of the Orinoco. 
Thus ho felt assured that C'uba was a part of the main land, and named a 
portion of a continent as an island. 

Casting anchor on August 2, near the southern point of Trinidad, they saw 
approaching them a large canoe, containing al)out twenty-five young Indian 
warriors. Thinking to attract them by music and dancing, when gestures of 
friendship and offers of trinkets had failed to do so, Columbus ordered that 
some of the musicians whom he had brought should play, while one man 
performed a dance on the deck of his vessel. But the Indians mistook this 
demonstration for a war-dance, and let a shower of arrows fly at the dancer 
and his comrades. This Avas answered by a discharge of a couple of cross- 
bows from the ship, and the entertainment being concluded, the spectators 
paddled rapidly away. 

The whites had some difficulty in communicating with the natives, for the 
latter generally fled as soon as they saw the strangers approaching; but a( 
last, about a week after they first saw land, they succeeded in doing so. The 
Indians readily told them that gold was to be obtained on a highland to the 
west, but added that the people living there were cannibals, and the road M'as 
infested by venomous animals. The attention of the Spaniards, however, 
was arrested by the sight of the great numbers of pearls which the Indians 
wore as ornaments; and which, they learned, came from the coast of La Isla 
Santa. 



160 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 



Columbus found that in his own ship, which was a vessel of one hundred tons' 
burden, and required three fathoms of water, he could not sail freely among 
the islands, as he still considered the land which he had just discovered. 
" Late at night," he writes, " being on board of my ship, I heard as it were 
a terrible roaring, and as I tried to pierce the darkness I beheld the sea to the 
south heaped up into a great hill, the height of the ship, rolling slowly to- 
wards us. The ships were lifted up and whirled along so that I feared we 
should be engulfed in the commotion of the waters; but fortunately the 
mountainous surge passed on towards the entrance of the strait, and after a 




The Landing of Columbus at Trinidad. 

contest with the counter-current gradually sudsided." He sent a caravel to 
see where there was a channel between these islands by which he might reach 
the ocean beyond. The caravel ascended the Paria Eiver for some distance, 
and returning, reported the discovery of a circular basin, but informed him 
that all the laud which he had seen was connected. Still he does not seem to 
have realized that this was a continent; according to the best maps of Asia 
obtainable, it ought to be an island; and an island he was determined to con- 
sider it. 

But there was danger that the supplies for the colony which the vessels had 
on board would spoil in this tropical climate ; and the sea stores of the ships, 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 



161 



besides, were almost exhausted. In addition to this, Columbus suffered much 
from the gout, and was afflicted with an affection of the eyes, which rendered 
him nearly blind. He accordingly decided to sail forHisf)aniola, and rest and 




The Tidal Wave. 



recruit his health there ; and to send his brotherthe Adelantado — upon whom 
that title had now been formally conferred by the sovereigns — to complete 
the exploration of this new group of islands. Several large and valuable 
11 



162 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

pearls had been secured, to send to the sovereigns as indisputable i)ri)c)f of 
the wealth that had now been discovered ; and many smaller ones were obtained 
in exchange for hawks' bells and similar valuable articles of European man- 
ufacture. 

Prevented b}- his infirmities from taking any part in the navigation of his 
vessels, Columbus had ample time to reflect upon the nature of the country 
whence they had just sailed. He remembered that the channels, as he had 
thought them, were fresh water, but slightly affected by the saltness of the 
sea; there was a current perceptible; and finally he came to the conclusions 
that these channels where in reality rivers. Streams of such size must drain 
a country of considerable extent, largerthan any island. The land surround- 
ing the Gulf of Paria must be a portion of an almost boundless continent, 
as yet unknown and uncivilized, and therefore clearly the property of its dis- 
coverer's patrons, the rulers of Spain. 

Columbus went farther in his meditations, and decided that he had made 
yet another discovery. It was now generally received that the earth was 
spherical in form; but the various experiences through which he had re- 
cently passed, led him to believe it was really more the shape of a pear, one 
part much more elevated than the rest, and rising decidedly nearer the skies. 
He supposed this part to be under the Equator, in the interior of the conti- 
nent which he had just discovered; and he concluded that this was the true 
earthly paradise ; that the northern part of South America, to translate his 
speculations into language more intelligible to the latter part of the nine- 
teenth century, was just outside the gates of heaven. 

Immediately after the departure of Christopher Columbus for Spain his 
brother Bartholomew had begun work to develop the mines whose existence 
had been revealed by Miguel Diaz. The first step was to build a fortress 
near by, to which he gave the name of San Christoval, but which was popu- 
larly called the Golden Tower. 

He was in the midst of difliculties caused by shortness of supplies of food, 
when the caravels which were ready to sail when Columbus arrived at Cadiz 
reached the island. They brought reinforcements of men ; but many of the 
stores had spoiled on the voyage. Letters from the Admiral, brought by 
these vessels, directed the Adelantado to build a town near the mouth of the 
Ozema, for the purpose of being near the new mines. 

The site was chosen, and the proposed city christened San Domingo, it 
being the germ of the present city, and having given name to the greater 
part of the island. The fortress was completed, and a garrison of twenty 
men placed in it; then the Adelantado set out to visit Behechio, the cacique 
who had not yet acknowledged Spanish sovereignty. 

Behechio received him at the head of a considerable army of naked 
warriors; but the Adelantado had adopted his brother's method, and traveled 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLCilBUS. 163 

in state, with a large escort, and a guard of honor of his cavalry, Behechio 
saw that it would be worse than useless. to provoke a battle; and explained 
the force of warriors b}' saying that he had been engaged in reducing some 
rebellious villages. For two days the Adelantado and his escort were enter- 
tained by the cacique; and then the real business of the visit was entered 
upon. Behechio was informed that he must pay tribute, as the other 
caciques did; it was in vain he urged that there was no gold in his dominions; 
the Adelantado demanded that the tribute should be paid in cotton, hemp, 
and cassava bread. The cacique thankfully accepted this provision; and 
thus the tribe was brought into subjection without striking a blow. 

But there were many difficulties to be overcome at Isabella, and the 
Adelantado found that he must give consideraVjle time to the settling of 
affairs there. These were of the usual nature, complaints that there was not 
enough food to be had, when the complainants would not exert themselves 
in any way to obtain a crop, and had so outraged the natives that these kindly 
and generous creatures would no longer furnish them with the fruits and 
flesh which they desired. While the Adelantado was busy here and at San 
Domingo, the garrison at Fort Conception was threatened by an Indian 
league. 

By the exertions of two missionaries, the cacique Guarionex had been 
brought to profess the Christian faith. Scarcely had they succeeded in doing 
so, when an injury inflicted upon his favorite wife caused him to renounce 
indignantly the religion professed by one who was capable of committing 
such an outrage. The missionaries removed to the territories of another 
cacique; first erecting a small chapel for the use of one of their converts, and 
furnishing it with an altar, a crucifix, and other images. 

Scarcely had they departed, when a number of Indians, it was said by the 
order of Guarionex, entered the chapel, defiled the altar, and breaking the 
images in pieces, buried them in a neighboring field. The act was reported 
to the Adelantado; he caused the arrest of the Indians, and ordered their 
trial for sacrilege. 

Offenses against the Church were then punished by inhuman barbarities ; 
all heresies and acts of sacrilege must be expiated at the stake. The Indians 
were duly tried and convicted, and burned alive. Guarionex was still further 
angered by this assumption of power within his dominions and the inhuman 
death of his subjects. He allowed himself to be drawn by the other caciques 
into a league against the Spaniards, their immediate object being to rise and- 
massacre the garrison at Fort Conception. 

Their purpose was by some means betrayed to the garrison^ and a messenger 
was sent to implore aid from the Adelantado, who was then at San Domingo. 
He marched against the dusky enemy, attacked the various caciques at the 
same moment, by dividing his force; and captured Guarionex and his brother 



164 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

chieftains. The two hitter were put to death; but the Adelantado, knowing 
what provocation Guurionex had received, and finding that it was only with 
difficulty that the others had induced him to join the conspiracy, released 
him, and thus subdued him by unexpected clemency. 

Scarcely had this been attended to, when the Adelantado was summoned 
to receive the tribute which had been collected by Behechio. There were 
such vast stores of cotton and cassava bread that he was oldiged to send to 
Isabella for one of his newly built caravels to transport them; and this vessel 
was a source of great wonder to the Indian cacique and his people. His 
sister, particularly, the wife of Caonabo, who appears to have shared his 
authority since her return from her husband's dominions, was anxious to 
entertain the white men and make them all the gifts that she could 
command. 

In the meantime, the men of the colony at Isabella were not living any 
more peaceably. Always dissatisfied, since they could not realize the golden 
dreams with which they started out, they found now a leader in Francisco 
Roldan, an alcalde, or justice of the city. This man had been raised by Co- 
lumbus from poverty and obscurity; he had at first been employed as a servant; 
but had gradually been promoted to higher positions, until he reached at last 
this official eminence. He performed his duties in this position so well that, 
on his departure for Spain, Columbus made him alcalde mayor, or chief judge 
of the island. 

It might be thought that such a man would have been inalienably attached 
to his benefactor, and to those whom that benefactor loved; but there are 
some base natures who think that, if those above them be pulled down, they 
themselves can rise higher. It was so with Roldan. He was deeply jealous 
of the authority of the two brothers of Columbus ; and soon made a party 
among the idle, daring, and dissolute of the community. 

He began by sympathizing with the hard treatment which they had experi- 
enced ; and having won them in this way, he suggested that their rulers were 
foreigners, intent only on enriching themselves. With no respect for the 
pridB of a Spaniard, the two Genoese adventurers, left here by their equally 
selfish brother, treated the gentlemen of the community as mere slaves, com- 
pelling them to labor on the public works or to swell their state as they 
nuirched about the island, enriching themselves at the expense of the caci- 
ques. 

By these means, he brought their feelings to such a height that they had, at 
one time, formed a conspiracy to assassinate the Adelantado; but the oppor- 
tunity for which they waited did not occur, and the plan was consequently 
abandoned. 

While Don Bartholomew was absent collecting the tribute of Behechio, the 
conspirators judged the time ripe for action. Koldan's plan was to excite a 



THE LAST V0YA(;ES OF COLUMBUS. 



165 



t-umult by underhand means, interpose in his official character, throw the blame 
upon the injustice and oppression of the two Columbuses, and seize upon the 
reins of power himself, in order to promote the peace and welfare of the is- 
land. 

A pretext was soon found. When the caravel returned with her cargo of 
cassava and cotton, and was unloaded, she was drawn up on the beach. Eol- 
dan pointed out this circumstance, and told his followers that it was to pre- 
vent its being used by them to send word of their distress to Spain. 




Ruins op the House of CoLUjmus at San Domingo. 

The people now insisted that the caravel should be launched and- sent to 
Spain, to ask for further supplies. Don Bartholomew pointed out to them 
that it was unlit for so long a voyage ; it was rigged only for coasting trips 
about the island, and equipped for short voyages only. But they persisted. 
Roldan then advised them to rise against the tyranny of these would-be mas- 
ters, to launch and take possession of the caravel, and dispatch her to Spain 
for the supplies so sorely needed, and at the same time to make complaints 
of the tyrants. lie pointed out that if this vessel were in their hands, 
with its possibility of being the bearer of their complaints, even should they 



Kill THE I.Af^T VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

not choose to send it, they might lead :i life of ease and pleasure in the island, 
employing the natives as slaves, and sharing equally all that was gained by 
barter. 

Don Diego, who was in command at Isabella at this time, his brother being 
absent, feared to come to any open rupture with the alcalde, and sent him, 
with forty men, to the Vega, on the pretext that there were certain Indians 
there who needed to be taught respect for the Spanish arms. lie hoped by 
thus employing the energies of the seditious upon lawful business, they might 
be brought to submit cheerfully to the rule of his brother and himself. 

But Roldan simply strengthened his own hands by making friends and par- 
tisans among the caciques who were dissatisfied with Spanish rule, and secured 
the devotion of his soldiers b}' indulging them in every possible way. 

On his return, Don Bartholomew having returned also, he openly demanded 
that the caravel should be launched; but received the same reply that had 
been given to the demands of his followers. He was afraid to attempt any 
open rebellion at Isabella, but departed into the wilderness, hoping to over- 
come the garrisons one by one and attach them to his standard, when he 
would openly revolt against the rule of the Adelantado. 

His movements threatened a siege of Fort Conception ; and the commander, 
alarmed, sent for reinforcements. Don Bartholomew marched at the head 
of the relief, and held a parley with Roldan. The alcalde now boldly avowed 
that he was in the service of his sovereigns, defending their innocent subjects 
from injustice and oppression. The Adelantado demanded that be should 
submit himself to superior authority, or else surrender the office with which 
it had invested him. He refused to do either; and withdrew, with his forces, 
to the province of Xaragua, the realm of Behechio. 

He suddenly marched to Isabella, intending to take possession of the cara- 
vel, and sail in it to the selected part of the island. Don Diego withdrew his 
forces into the fortress when he found that the enemy was too strong; but 
could do no more. Roldan found that ho had not sufficient force to launch 
the caravel, or to assail the fortress; and dreading lest the Adelantado should 
return, and he be crushed between the soldiers of the two brothers, he pro- 
ceeded to make preparations for the expedition to Xaragua. Pretending to 
act in his official capacity, for the relief of the oppressed subjects of the 
King and Queen, he broke open the royal storehouse and helped himself to 
the supplies of arms, ammunition and clothing there; and drove off such 
of the cattle as he judged necessary for his purpose; causing others to be 
killed for present use. 

The Adelantado was unable to take any decisive step, for he knew that many 
of his men were disaffected; and he feared lest they should go over to the 
enemy. Another danger lay in the position of the Indians. They had be^n 
rendered hostile by the cruel treatment experienced from many of the Span- 



THE LAST ^■OVAGES OF COLtrMBUS. 167 

iards, and the tribute exacted by the Admiral did not make them any less so; 
always watchful, they now saw that their enemies were divided among them- 
selves; and only awaited the most favorable time to strike a deadly blow at 
the colony and its dependencies. 

Such was the situation when news was received that two vessels were ap- 
proaching the island. These were under the command of Pedro Fernandez 
Coronal, and brought a reinforcement of soldiers, and supplies of all kinds. 
It also brought the news that Don Bartholomew had been confirmed in his 
title and authority as Adelantado; and that the Admiral was in high favor at 
court, and would soon arrive with a powerful squadron. 

Desirous of restoring the island to peace before the return of his brother, 
and feeling that his authority was not now likely to be disputed by any but the 
ringleaders among the rebels, Don Bartholomew j^roclaimed an amnesty for 
all past offenses, on condition of immediate return to allegiance. But Rol- 
dan knew too well of what he had been guilty; and despite these promises, 
feared to venture within the power of the Adelantado. He accordingly re- 
fused to hold any communication with those who were sent to receive his al- 
legiance, and prevented his followers from speaking with them. He then 
immediately set out on his journey to Xaragua, not waiting to hear that the 
Adelantado had proclaimed him and his men traitors. 

The Indian rising, which had been instigated by the idea that the whites 
were quarreling among themselves, now took place. The night of the full 
moon was fixed upon as the time that they were to attack the various parties 
of soldiers; but fortunately for the Spaniards, one of the caciques proved to 
be careless in his observations, and led his men against Fort Conception a 
night before the proper time. His attack was repulsed, and other garrisons 
prepared to receive the foe in time. 

Guarionex, who had been a principal mover in this insurrection, now be- 
took himself to the mountains, and made occasional sallies upon the villages 
of those who remained at peace with the Spaniards. The Adelantado re- 
solved to put a stop to this, and resolutely marched against the cacique and 
those who had sheltered him. Both were captured; and were still in prison 
at San Domingo when the Admiral arrived in the island, after an absence of 
nearly two years and a half. 

One of the first acts of Columbus was to issue a proclamation approving of 
the course pursued by his brother, and strongly condemning Roldan and his 
associates. But the rebel had been favored by an unexpected streak of good 
luck. Three of the caravels of the Admiral's squadrons had been carried by 
the current outside of the path pursued by their companions, and had reached 
the coast of Xaragua before they knew where they were. Roldan told their 
commanders nothing of his rebellion against the Adelantado; and being a 
man in an important official position, they did not hesitate to grant all his re- 



l()8 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

quests for supplies. lie thus procured maujMiiilitary stores; and his men 
cunningly circulated among those on board the vessels the story of the op- 
pressions of the Adelantado, and of the various hardships endured by the 
colonists at Isabella and San Domingo, while they did not fail to enlarge upon 
the ease and plenty and pleasure of the life which they led in Xaragua. Many 
of those on board were convicts, who had been permitted to commute their 
sentence into exile to the New World; and they listened eagerly to the men 
who defied the law. Much mischief had been done in the three days before 
the captains of the ships discovered the real character of Roldan. 

They then endeavored to dissuade him from the position that he had taken, 
and to induce him to return to the settlement and submit to the Admiral's 
authority; but their arguments were in vain. In the meantime, contrary 
winds rendered it impossible for them to proceed; and the captains, finding 
that there was danger of their crews becoming corrupted, resolved to send 
the artificers who were important, to the service of the colony overland, 
imdcr the leadership of Juan Antonio Colombo, a relative of the Admiral's, 
and nuieh devoted to him. 

Forty of them were selected, and they set out; but scarcely had they 
landed, before thirty-two of them deserted to the enemy. A[)peals, remon- 
strances, threats, promises, were all in vain; and Colombo returned to the 
ships with his eight faithful followers. 

The ships stood out to sea, and finally made their way to their destination. 
Columbus was greatly troubled when he heard the report regarding the rebels 
in Xaragua; he resolved that steps must be taken at once to prevent their 
gaining any further headway; and with a view of getting away from the 
island all those who were discontented, and who might therefore be expected 
to join Roldan, he announced that five ships would sail for Spain at a given 
time, and that anyone desirous of returning would be given free passage. 

The ships sailed October 18, bearing letters from Columbus and from Rol- 
dan, giving both sides of the story in detail. Before they sailed, however, 
the commandant at Fort Conception had, at the desire of the Admiral, held 
a conference with Roldan, and again proffered him pardon. It was con- 
temptuously refused, and demands of a highly insolent nature made. Again, 
after the departure of the ships, Columbus wrote to Roldan, offering him 
})ardon if he would submit even then; and after much treating between the 
outraged authorities and the rebels, terms of capitulation were finally agreed 
upon; they were to be furnished with two ships, fully equipped for the voy- 
age to Spain, within fifty days from the time that this agreement was reached; 
and Columbus made liberal concessions regarding their pay and privileges. 

Obliged to give a certificate of good conduct to Roldan and his followers, 
Columbus felt that he had deceived his patrons; and wrote by a confidential 
person who was to sail in one of the vessels a letter to the sovereigns stating 



THE LAST VOVA(iES OF COLUMBUS. 169 

the whole circumstance, and saying that he had been obliged to do this to 
save the island from utter confusion and ruin. Every day that Roldan re- 
mained in the island, whether in open rebellion or pretended submission, 
weakened the authority of Columbus among those under his command. 

Insolent as the demands of Roldan had been, no sooner had they been 
granted than he resolved to make others. Not all of his men were to depart ; 
but those who chose to remain were to receive certain lands for their main- 
tenance. Further, it must be proclaimed that everything which had been 
charged against him and his party had been grounded upon false testimony, 
and the machinations of persons disaffected to the royal service. It was 
further provided that Roldan himself should be reinstated in his office. 

Hard as these conditions were, and they were accompanied with the stipu- 
lation that if he failed to keep them, the rebels might compel him to do so, 
Columbus accepted them; only inserting a clause in the treaty that the com- 
mands of the sovereigns, of himself, and of the officers appointed by him, 
should be obeyed. 

In the meantime, the reputation of Columbus was being constantly assailed 
by his enemies in Spain. He says of himself that he was " absent, envied, 
and a stranger." His son Ferdinand gives a vivid picture of the lengths to 
which the returned colonists went in accusing him to the authorities: — 

" When I was at Granada, at the time the most serene Prince Don Miguel 
died, more than fifty of them, as men without shame, bought a great quantity 
of grapes, and sat themselves down in the court of the Alhambra, uttering 
loud cries, saying, that their Highnesses and the Admiral made them live in 
this poor fashion on account of the bad pay they received, with many other 
dishonest and unseemly things, which they kept repeating. Such was their 
effrontery that when the Catholic King came forth they all surrounded him, 
and got him into the midst of them, saying, 'Pay! Pay!' And if by chance 
I and my brother, who were pages to the most serene Queen, happened to 
pass where they were, they shouted to the very heavens, saying: * Look at 
the sons of the Admiral of Mosquitoland, of that man who has discovered 
the lands of the deceit and disappointment, a place of sepulcher and 
wretchedness to Spanish hidalgoes!' Adding many other insulting expres- 
sions, on which account we excused ourselves from passing by them." 

When the King was thus compelled to listen to the complaints of these 
persons, is it not fair to suppose that privately his ears were filled with more 
decorous allegations against the Admiral? Such was the constant clamor 
against him, that Ferdinand and Isabella seriously considered the question of 
suspending him from the exercise of his high office; he had himself requested 
that some one might be sent out to administer justice in the colony courts; 
and they simply decided to send such a person, but to enlarge his authority 
by giving him civil as well as judicial functions. 



170 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

But they certainly acted with deliberation. ]\Iarch 21, 1499, they directed 
Francis de Bobadilla to " ascertain what persons have raised themselves 
against justice in the island of Hispaniola, and to proceed against them 
according to law." Two months later, they conferred upon this officer the 
government of the island, and signed an order that all arms and fortresses in 
the Indies should be given up to him. But still Bobadilla was in Spain, and 
no news of this action had reached Columbus. Not until the first part of 
July was the supplauter permitted to sail; he ai nved at Hispaniola August 23. 

The Admiral was at Fort Conception when he arrived; but he at once took 
possession of his house at Isabella, and sent him the letter of the sovereigns. 
It read thus: — 

" Don Christopher Columbus, Our Admiral of the Ocean : — 

" We have commanded the Commendador Francis de Bobadiihi, the bearer of 
this, that he speak to you on our part some things which he Avill tell you; we pray you give 
him faith and credence, and act accordingly. 

" I the KixG. I the Queen. 

" By their command, 

"Miguel Perez de Alauzan." 

But Bobadilla did not wait for Columbus to appear before him. There 
had been a conspiracy to murder Columbus and Koldau, who had been active 
in the pursuit of some of his late companions and followers in rebellion; and 
Columbus, W'ho saw that lenity w%as mistaken for weakness, resolved t6 take 
stern measures. Some of the offenders were executed; others were thrown, 
chained, into prison. Bobadilla at once demanded the release of these; and 
when Don Diego and his officers represented that these men were imprisoned 
by order of the Admiral, and could only be released by his order, the new 
envoy took matters into his own hands, and forced open the doors of their 
prison. He then seized all the property of Columbus, even his most private 
papers, and spoke publicly of him in the most disrespectful terms, saying 
that he was empowered to send him home in chains, and that neither he nor 
any of his family would ever be permitted, to rule in Hispaniola again. 

Columbus could not believe the reports that he heard ; he would not be- 
lieve that this man was really accredited by the sovereigns to whom he, Co- 
lumbus had rendered such great services. It must surely be some adventurer, 
who had possessed himself of the fortress, and was usurping the government 
of the city. 

When he learned the contents of the letter which Bobadilla bore, he did not 
know what to do; but of one thing he was sure, and that was, that the sov- 
ereigns had never intrusted him with such powers as he claimed; they had 
sent him out, in accordance with the Admiral's request, to perform the duties 
of a judge, and had armed him with provisional powers to make inquiries 
into the disturbance, of which Columbus himself had complained. He there- 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 



171 



fore wrote to Bobadilla, welcoming him to the island, and cautioning him 
against hastily granting licenses to collect gold. Bobadilla did not answer; 
and Columbus, hearing on all sides of the license which the newcomer prac- 
ticed, published his belief that his own powers were granted to him in per- 
ijetuity, and that Bobadilla could not supersede him in the government. 
Then Bobadilla sent him the letter of credence, which we have copied above; 
and Columbus forced himself to yield to the usurper, and departed, almost 
alone, for San Domingo. 




RlVETLNG THE FeTTKRS UPON COLUMBUS. 

What authority had Bobadilla to act against the Admiral? It was contained 
in a letter of instructions from the sovereigns, which authorized him to 
" seize the persons and sequestrate the property of those who appeared to be 
culpable, and then to proceed against them and against the absent, with the 
highest civil and criminal penalties." This was clearly directed against Rol- 
dan and his followers, whom the King and Queen supposed to be still in re- 
bellion ; but as .no names were mentioned, Bobadilla took advantage of its 
being so indefinite to make this language apply to the highest official of the 
New World. 

Columbus arrived at San Domingo ; and Bobadilla at once gave orders to 
arrest him, put him in irons, and confine him in the fortress. For a time, it 



172 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

seemed that no oue would obey this order, so shocked were even his enemies 
at- the idea of offering such indignities to so old a man, who had rendered 
such services to their sovereigns, and who had been honored by them in every 
possible way. Finally, one of his own servants undertook the task of fetter- 
ing the great Admiral; " a graceless and shameless cook," according to Las 
Casas, who was nearly a contemporary of Columbus, " who, with unwashed 
front, riveted the fetters Avith as much readiness and alacrity as though he 
were serving him with choice and savory viands. I knew the fellow, and I 
think his name was Espinosa." 

What was the charge against him? " I make oath that I do not know for 
what I am imprisoned," Columbus wrote to a Spanish lady of rank who had 
been the nurse of Prince Juan. In another letter, he says that he was seized 
and thrown into prison, without being summoned or convicted by justice. It 
is probable that Bobadilla had no formal charge to make. There were many 
individual complaints, but they would scarcely bear investigation as charges 
against the Admiral; for the evils from which the colonists suffered so much 
were either unavoidable, or were brought about by their own faults. The 
great mistake which Columbus had made was in sending, and in permitting 
others to send, Indians to Spain to be sold as slaves. This had first dis- 
tressed, and then angered Isabella; and in whatever way the slavery might 
be excused, by representations that these Indians were prisoners of war, or 
had committed grave offenses against the laws, she could not forget that 
these were her subjects, and that she owed them the same privileges that she 
gave to those of Castilian birth. Isabella was offended at the persistence of 
Columbus in treating the Indians as deserving slavery; Ferdinand had lost 
confidence in his promises of riches from these new lands; and thus Boba- 
dilla was given the power which he used for the humiliation of the Admiral. 

Bobadilla now had Columbus and his brother Diego in his power; but the 
Adelantado was in Xaragua, in pursuit of some rebels, and had a considera- 
ble armed force at his back. The new governor had evidently heard of his 
determined spirit, and feared the result that would ensue from sending to 
arrest him. Columbus was accordingly enjoined to Avrite to his brother, re- 
questing him to repair peaceably to San Domingo. He readily complied, and 
exhorted his fiery brother to submit to the authority of the person appointed 
by the sovereigns, and to endure all wrongs and indignities patiently, under 
the full hope that when they arrived in Castile, all would be remedied. 

Thus it was that Don Bartholomew Columbus came quietly to San Domingo 
and rendered himself up; instead of marching at the head of his army to 
assault the place, rescue his brothers, and put the new governor in their 
place, as he doubtless would have much preferred to do. Like his brothers, 
he was put in irons; and they were removed from the fortress to one of the 
caravels, where they were confined separately, not being permitted to hold 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. l73 

any conversation with each other, or to be visited by any one from the city. 

We need not describe the condition of affairs in the town, where every one 
who had a complaint to make against the late government was regarded as a 
patriot and a hero who had suffered at the hands of a tyrant. The vessels 
made ready to sail, Alonzo de Villejo being appointed to take charge of the 
prisoners. He was, says Las Casas, "An hidalgo of honorable character, 
and my particular friend." When he arrived with a guard to conduct the 
Admiral from the fortress to the ship, he found him in chains, silent and de- 
pressed. When he saw the officer enter with the guard, he thought that it was 
to conduct him to the scaffold; for though he had not had any trial, and did 
not know the charges against him, the treatment which he had received had 
been such that he could not tell where it would end. 

" Villejo," said he, mournfully, " whither are you taking me? " 

" To the ship, your Excellency, to embark," replied the officer with true 
manly respect for the misfortune of another. 

" To embark? " echoed Columbus, catching at the word; " Villejo, do you 
speak the truth? " 

" By the life of your Excellency," was the reply, " it is true!" 

Such was the conversation between them, as narrated by the historian whose 
description of Villejo has been quoted; and doubtless Las Casas heard from 
the lips of his " particular friend " himself the words which passed between 
that friend and the great Admiral. 

The caravel sailed early in October, 1500. Villejo and Andreas Martin, the 
master of that in which Columbus was ordered to be confined, although they 
were both supposed to be attached to the enemies of Columbus, were deeply 
grieved at the treatment which had been accorded him, and did all in their 
power to show, by their profound respect and assiduous attention, that they 
had not chosen their office as his jailers. They desired to take off his irons: 

" No," he re^Dlied proudly, "their majesties commanded me by letter to 
submit to whatever Bobadilla should order in their name; by their authority 
he has put upon me these chains ; I will wear them until they shall order them 
to be taken off, and I will preserve them afterward as relics and memorials of 
the reward of my services." 

And he kept his word; for, says his son Fernando: " I saw them always 
hanging in his cabinet, and he requested that when he died they might be 
buried with him." 

The arrival of Columbus in Cadiz produced very nearly as great a sensation, 
as his return from his first voyage, though of a different kind; then, no honor 
could be too great for him; now, he was fairly hooted by the mob, an object 
of contempt to all. But the friendship of Martin had one good effect upon 
the fortunes of the Admiral; he permitted him to send off that letter to the 
nurse of Prince Juan by express, as soon as the vessel landed; while the re- 



TilK LAST VOYAGES OF (OLLMIUS. 1 ( ) 

l)ort of Bobadilla was sent by more formal and dilatory messenger. This let- 
ter was at once shown to the Queen; and was the first intimation she received 
that Columbus had not been treated with the respect due to him. The tide 
of royal and of public opinion changed at once ; the enemies of Columbus had 
defeated their own ends by the violence with which their agent had acted. 
Orders were at once sent to Cadiz that the prisoners should be released, and 
treated with all distinction. They then wrote a letter to Columbus himself , 
expressing their grief that he should have been offered such indignities, and 
inviting him to come to court at once. Two thousand ducats were sent to 
pay the expenses of his journey. 

^H« III 



'^\ ,\7^W^^=^^- v \^ ^'1 '^im^ ^'''. V. V' 



-n 



.: -!^<.^-.: 



\ ''f^^M<--, r 




Hooted by the Mob. 
He reached the court, and was received with marked kindness by the sov- 
ereigns. He saw tears in the eyes of the gentle Queen; and unable to sup- 
press the feelings which this sign of sympathy called forth, he threw himself 
on his knees, and sobbed aloud. 



176 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

The King and Queen raised him from the ground, and endeavored to ei\ 
courage him by expressing their deep sense of his services. When he had 
regained his self-control he entered upon a vindication of his loyalty; but 
none was needed; the very excess of his enemies' anger showed that the)' 
were in the wrong; and the rulers disavowed the proceedings of Bobadilla, 
asserting that the expressions in their letter had never been meant to apply 
to Columbus and his brothers; and declared that he should be recalled at 
Knee. 

The report of Bobadilla had not yet been received. In fact, although it 
must have been duly delivered, there is no record that it was ever considered. 
Columbus was assured that his grievances should be redressed, his property 
restored, and that he should be reinstated in all his privileges and dignities. 

And these privileges and dignities were very dear to his heart; he consid- 
ered them the real reward of his services. In his will, he directs that his 
heir shall call himself, and sign himself, simply " The Admiral," no matter 
what other titles may be bestowed upon him ; for this was of all others the 
greatest, being the recognition of the servicesof Columbus in discovering the 
western route to India. He hoped and expected that, since the sovereigns 
were fully convinced that he had suffered unjustly, they would at once rein- 
state him as viceroy, and send him back to govern the island. But this 
hope was doomed to be long deferred, until, indeed, he grew sick at heart. 

There is no doubt that Ferdinand repented having appointed Columbus to 
such high offices, as soon as it was discovered how great was the extent of the 
New World. Every succeeding proof of the greatness of these discoveries 
then only tended to make him more jealous of that foreign-born subject who 
had been made Admiral and Viceroy of them all. He never intended to keep 
the fair promises which he joined with the more sincere Isabella in making at 
this time, but deliberately planned to put off the fulfillment of them from 
time to time, by such excuses as might present themselves, until Columbus 
should succumb to the weight of the years which had long been pressing 
heavily upon him. 

Although Bobadilla was recalled, Ferdinand represented to Columbus that, 
such was the state of the island, it would be betterto have some disinterested 
person appointed to take his place for a certain time, although no one should 
ever acquire the rights which had been granted .to Columbus. It is probable 
that this promise deceived Isabella as well as Columbus; and that she died, 
thinking the great Admiral Avas again to govern the New World which he had 
given to Castile. 

Bobadilla's successor was Don Nicholas de Ovando; but his departure was 
delayed for a considerable time after his appointment. In the mean time, 
Bobadilla's system of government was showing its results. He had changed 
the rule established by Columbus, that one-third of the gold obtained should 



THE LAST A'OYAGES OF COLLMBUS. 177 

belong to the Crown ; and exacted only one-eleventh ; yet the amount paid to 
the royal officials was more than under the old system. This enormous in- 
crease in the product was secured by exacting the labor of the natives. At 
first, the caciques had been compelled to set aside a certain portion of the 
ground for grain to be raised by the Spaniards ; then the chiefs were obliged 
to furnish the labor required to cultivate it; then the produce of the earth 
was demanded as tribute; and now, the unfortunate Indians were compelled 
to labor at whatever task their self-constituted masters might choose to as- 
sign them. 

The result may be imagined. The natives of these islands had never been 
obliged to work before the coming of the strangers ; the soil and climate are 
such that food in abundance for the sparse population was produced almost 
spontaneously. Nor were they used to the hardships which beset so many of 
the Indians of North America. For these gentle, peace-loving people, there 
were no dangers of the chase to be encountered ; there were no days spent on 
the war-path, no creeping through the forest upon the unwary enemy, no lying 
in ambush through night and storm. Every simple want supplied by nature, 
they seemed relieved from that burden of labor laid upon our common father 
Adam ; they were free to dream their lives away in sweet content. 

How was this now changed ! Bobadilla caused a census of the Indians of 
Hispaniola to be taken, and distributed them among the colonists, to serve 
their pleasure; labor in the fields and in the mines was the least part of what 
they endured; the inhumanity with which they were treated may be inferred 
from a single example : Las Casas, who visited the island at the close of 
Bobadilla'sterm of office, says that he has seen Indians who were compelled 
to bear the litters or hammocks which their arrogant and upstart masters 
preferred to the saddle, and thejr shoulders were raw and bleeding from the 
task. 

The abuses of this government reached the ears of the sovereigns; and the 
increased amount of gold, which could not but elicit the wonder and pleasure 
of Ferdinand, did not make Isabella insensible to the wrongs inflicted upon 
her distant subjects. In order to preserve the rights of the Indians, she al- 
lowed negro slaves to be taken to Hispaniola; and thus shifted the burden 
from the shoulders of one miserable set of creatures to those of another. 

Ovando was further ordered to consider the interests of Columbus. All 
fhe property which Bobadilla had confiscated was to be restored; and his 
orothers were to be indemnified for whatever losses they had sustained by 
reason of their imprisonment. An agent was appointed to look after the 
affairs of the Admiral, and it was ordered that he should receive the ar- 
rears of his revenue, and that it should be paid punctually for the future. 

Such was the bright side of the orders. On the other hand, as regards the 
condition of the natives under the new government, they were permitted to 

12 



178 THE LAST VOYAGES OK COLUMBUS. 

be employed in the royal service ; it is true that according to instructions tiioy 
were to be engaged as hired laborers, and regularly paid; but they might be 
compelled to do this work, and this left room for nearly as niany abuses as 
under the old system. 




OvANDo's Fleet Shattered in a Storm. 

Again, in a government so far removed from the mother country, and 
where there is no degree of representative rule, the character of the admin- 
istration depends entirely upon the character of the man at the head of it. 
Ovando was vested with an authority which was supreme over the island; he 
was responsible only to the sovereigns of Spain, and in case there were any 
complaints to make, it would require about four months to receive an answer. 

Thirty vessels formed the fleet which was to convey this potentate to his 
dominions; they set sail February 13, 1502. But it was not destined to 
reach port without difficulty; they were hardly out of sight of laud when a 
terrible storm was encountered; and one of the ships went down with all on 
board. The others were compelled to throw overboard so many articles that 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 179 

the coast of Spain was literally strewed with them and with wreckage for 
many miles; and it was reported that all the vessels had foundered. The 
King and Queen shut themselves up for eight days, to grieve for the loss of 
their fleet. After the storm, however, the remaining vessels assembled at the 
Canaries, and again turned their prows westward, arriving at their destina- 
tion the middle of April. 

Meanwhile, Columbus was considering a project which had long been in his 
mind. It has already been recorded that he desired to find a new route to 
Cathay, not in order to enrich himself, but that a sum sufficient for the pur- 
chase of the Holy Land from the Mohammedans might be realized from tlio 
commerce with these countries. At some time after the discovery, whether 
on his first or second return from the New World to Spain cannot be told 
definitely, he had made a vow to furnish, within seven years from the time of 
his discovery, fifty thousand foot-soldiers and five thousand cavalry for a 
Crusade for the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre ; and to furnish a similar 
army, if this should not have been successful, within five years thereafter. 
That this vow had not been fulfilled, was his great trouble ; and there is still 
in existence a letter written by him to Pope Alexander VI., about the time 
that Ovando sailed, which explains why the vow had not been fulfilled. 

To Columbus, ardent and devout as he was, and filled with the old crusad- 
ing idea that the Holy Land must, at any cost of blood or treasure, be recov- 
ered from the infidel, it must have been a great grief that this vow had not 
been fulfilled. Since he had first set eyes on San Salvador, almost ten years, 
freighted with cares and labors and anxieties, had passed away; and beseems 
now to have felt, at last, that his desire to recover the Holy Sepulchre by his 
own means was utterly hopeless. 

But he remembered that in laying his plans before Ferdinand and Isabella, 
he had proposed this as one of the objects of the enterprise ; and he now 
proceeded to arrange the arguments by which he hoped to induce them to 
undertake this holy war. The Scriptures, the writings of the Fathers, and 
all that class of literature which was held in high esteem by the Church, were 
all ransacked to show that there were three events destined to take place in 
rapid succession. Of these, the first was the discovery of the New World; 
the second was the conversion of the Gentiles; and the third was the recov- 
ery of the Holy Sepulchre. These arguments were embodied in a manuscript 
volume, and transmitted to the King and Queen, accompanied by a letter in 
which he eloquently urged this project which now seems so visionary upon 
the attention of the bigoted Ferdinand and the devout Isabella. 

But Columbus knew, by sad experience, how long the decision of the 
Spanish sovereigns was likely to be delayed when a new and important enter- 
prise was presented for their consideration; possibly he felt that should he 
gain new laurels by the discovery of yet richer countries, his recommendations 



180 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

would carry more weight with them. Perhaps, too, the wandering iia,uare 
that was in the Genoese saik)r impelled him ever to be seeking new lands; 
and hcAvas roused to emulation by the achievements of Vasco de Gama and 
Cabral, the former of whom had recently, for the first time in the history of 
the world, doubled the Cape of Good Hope and sailed from Portugal to 
India. 

His anxiety regarding the Holy Sepulchre was set at rest sooner than he 
had hoped. Ferdinand was a bigot, and valued highly the title of Most 
Catholic King, which he had won by his wars against the Moors of Spain: 
but while he was quite ready to Avage to its bitter end a war which was in a 
measure forced upon him, and which, besides being a holy war, was necessary 
for the preservation of his kingdom, he was yet a hard bargainer, and not 
insensible to the advantages of a peaceful settlement of difficulties. Instead, 
therefore, of raising an army for the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre, he 
proceeded in what, to us of the nineteenth century, seems a much more busi- 
ness-like and much more Christian way: he concluded a treaty with the 
Grand Soldan of Egypt, under whose rule Palestine then was, which adjusted 
all the old difficulties between the two powers, and made arrangements for 
preserving the Sepulchre and protecting the pilgrims who wished to. visit it. 

The great discoverer, then, was entirely free to give all his attention to 
thoughts of new discoveries, which -would not only go far beyond those of 
Gama and Cabral, but would eclipse his own former achievements. It was his 
wish to explore the coast of Cuba, which, as we have frequently shown, he 
believed to be a portion of the main land of Asia, and find the channel which 
lay between it and the islands, and which would enable him to reach those 
coasts, trade with which was so rapidly enriching Portugal. Many advisers 
of the Crown protested against his receiving the necessary grants of ships, 
men, money, and authority to do this; but Ferdinand, who did not trust the 
ability of Columbus as a governor, and who was besides jealous of the au- 
thority which he himself had joined in giving to the Admiral, knew him to be 
a remarkably skillful navigator; and was entirely willing that his time and 
attention should be so occupied Avith rendering new services to the Crown 
that he would have no time to insist upon the reward for the earlier services; 
and Isabella felt that it would be ungrateful, after Ovando had been given so 
large a fleet merely to transport him in suitable state to his post of office, to 
refuse a few ships to Columbus, that he might continue his discoveries. 

Four caravels, ranging in size from fifty to seventy tons' burden, were given 
him; and one hundred and fifty men enlisted in his service. His brother, 
Don Bartholomew, and his second son, Fernando, a boy of thirteen, were to 
accompany him. His son Diego was to remain in Spain, and all the affairs of 
the father were to be left to his management. He had asked permission 
to touch at Hispaniola for supplies as he sailed past it to the coast of 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 181 

the main land; but this permission was refused, on the ground that the 
island was still, probably, in great agitation, arising from the change of gov- 
ernors, and that the Admiral had many enemies in the island. The sovereigns, 
however, graciously allowed him to touch there briefly on his return voyage. 

The voyage across the Altantic occupied a little more than a month; the 
squadron sailing May 9, and arriving at one of the Caribbee Islands June 15. 
Sailing along by Dominica, the fleet passed along the south side of Porto 
Rico, and then steered for San Domingo. The Admiral was thus acting 
directly contrary to the expressed orders of the King and Queen; but one of 
his ships was such a poor sailer that it delayed the others, and he had deter- 
mined to ask in exchange for it one of Ovando's vessels, or else to buy one 
of the trading vessels which were now permitted to ply between the two 
coasts of the Atlantic. 

The fleet in which Ovando had reached the island was prepared for the re- 
turn voyage when, June 29, Columbus approached the mouth of the river, 
and dispatched the captain of one of his caravels to ask permission to enter 
the harbor, as a storm was approaching. The request was refused by 
Ovando. 

It seems incredible that Columbus should be refused permission to shelter 
his vessels in the chief harbor of that New World of which he was the dis- 
coverer; but the action of Ovando can be justified by many reasons. In the 
first place, the weather was not at all threatening; to the ordinary eye, there 
was no indication whatever that a storm was to be expected. To the Spanish 
Governor, then, who probably had received instructions not to permit Co- 
lumbus to enter the country under his rule, it probably seemed that the Gen- 
oese navigator was only seeking an excuse to disobey the commands of the 
sovereigns, and to interfere in the government of the island. Added to this 
there were many persons in San Domingo who were bitterly adverse to Co- 
lumbus; had he landed by permission of the Governor, and had these per- 
sons been able to wreak their vengeance upon him, the Governor would justly 
have been held responsible. 

The answer was returned to Columbus; but in the meantime, the indica- 
tions of an approaching storm had become, to his practiced eye, even more 
certain; although the pilots of the vessels could not see them. He again 
sent his messenger to Ovando, begging him not to allow the fleet to depart. 
The pilots and seamen of these vessels, as of his own, did not believe that 
any storm was threatened; they were anxious to put to sea; and laughing at 
the prophecy of the old Admiral, declared that he was a false prophet. 

But Columbus had been a sailor for more than fifty years, and had acquired 
such weather-wisdom as few, even of those who have served the ocean so 
long, have been able to learn. He sought shelter in a wild harbor, and finally 
cast anchor at a point near the shore, but sufficiently distant from San Do- 



182 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUISIBUS. 

uiingo to keep liis presence there from beiiii^ discovered. The fleet of thirty 
vessels, bound for Spain, sailed out of the liarl)or of San Domingo. One of 
them, on board which was Bobadilla himself, bore the largest nugget of vir- 
gin gold that had yet been found in the New AVorld, as well as that immense 
amount which had been collected, during the administration of Bobadilla, as 
the revenue of the Crown. It was the hopes of the tyrant that this treasure 
would, in the eyes of the King, atone for much of his evil government; he 
does not seem to have taken the Queen into account. 

Within two days after it was uttered, the prophecy of (Johunhus regarding 
the storm was fulfilled. It swept over the ocean, and the tliirly sail were 
exposed to its full fury. They had just reached the eastern end of Hispaniola 
when the tempest burst upon them. That proud vessel which bore Bobadilla 
and his ill-gotten gains, with which he hoped to bribe the conscience of a 
king ; Roldan, the rebel against the authority of the great Admiral ; and many 
others of his most inveterate enenyes, who were going to Spain for the good 
of Hispaniola, were swallowed up by the angry waves ; arul the treasure wrung 
from the oppressed natives sunk with those who had thus procured it to the 
bed of the ocean. Other vessels were lost, besides this principal one ; others 
were so injured by the storm that they w^ere obliged to put back to port ; only 
one, the weakest and least sea-worthy of all when they had left San Domingo, 
was able to continue the voyage to Spain. The superstitious historian, in re- 
cording this fact, does not fail to call attention to the circumstance that the 
favored vessel had on board four thousand pieces of gold, the property of 
Columbus, which his agent, recently appointed, had recovered or collected, 
and was forwarding to Spain ; and to emphasize the statement that the most 
inveterate enemies of Columbus were in the vessel which perished utterly, be- 
fore any others of the fleet were seriously injured. 

The vessel commanded by Columbus remained close in shore, and escaped 
injury. The others of his squadron were driven out to sea, and so seriously 
injured that the whole fleet was obliged to go to Port Hermosos for repairs. 

Repairing the vessels, allowing a little time to his sailors for necessary rest 
and recreation, and the avoidance of another storm, prevented Columbus 
from sailing for the mainland until July 14. Threading his way among the 
islands to the south of Cuba, he landed on one of a group which he named 
Isla de Pinos, from the circumstances that it was covered with very lofty 
pine-trees; but which island has always retained its Indian name of Guanaja. 
"While they were here, a canoe eight feet wide and as long as a galley, and 
rowed by twenty-five men, landed, having evidently come thither on a trading 
expedition. The appearance of the natives, the clothing which they M^orc, 
the articles which they had brought with them, all showed a much higher de- 
gree of civilization than that which prevailed on the other islands. Thej' told 
him, by signs, that they had come from a rich and populous country to the 



tiif: last voyages of columbls. 183 

west, and tried to induce him to visit it. Had he listened to their persuasions, 
he would have reached Yucatan, and thence Mexico, with the boundless stores 
of wealth of which Cortez became possessed a generation later. These treas- 
ures would have fulfilled the wildest dreams of the Spaniards, and Colum- 
l)us, their discoverer, would again have been the favorite of the nation. But 
he considered that this country might be visited at any time, while, for the 
present, he was bent on exploring the southern coast of Asia, which would 
yield far greater treasures than any to which these Indians were likely to show 
him the way. 

For sixty days after they had been refused shelter at San Domingo, the 
four little vessels constantly encountered storms, w^hich only the best of sea- 
manship enabled them to weather. The Admiral's health had long been un- 
certain, and now he should have taken rest ; but the almost ceaseless succession 
of storms left him no choice; his skill and experience were constantly re- 
quired; and he had a small cabin constructed on the high stern of his vessel, 
whence, even though confined to his bed, he could keep an outlook and 
direct the course of the ships. If genius be, as some one has defined it, the 
capacity for taking infinite pains, surely no one ever better merited to be 
called a genius than did Columbus. 

He now steered along the coast of Honduras, and encountered, on Septem- 
ber 12, a cape which he named Gracios a Dios, in pious thankfulness because 
the land there took a southerly turn, so that the east winds which had hither- 
to delayed him were now favorable. In October he entered several bays on 
the southern coast of Central America and the isthmus, but, naturally enough, 
could get no information from the natives of the channel which he was 
seeking. 

The natives were generally inclined to be friendly; but in one case, being 
obliged to moor his vessels close by the shore, he was attacked. They fled, 
however, when the artillery was brought into use; like theCaribs, they could 
not contend with a people who were armed with the lightning. 

Nor was this the only dreadful thing about these strange white people who 
came in the great winged canoes. At a conference held between Columbus 
and the natives at some point along the coast mentioned, a notary attended, 
to take notes of the conversation. The savages seem to have had no idea of 
writing; they considered its practice a kind of magic, and were not satisfied 
until they had burned some kind of fragrant powder between themselves and 
the Spaniards, to destroy the baleful influence of the spell. 

December 5, they encountered a tropical cyclone, which proved so terrible 
that it afterward seemed a miracle that their frail vessels had lived through 
it. At last, after tossing about on the waters for eight days, they gained the 
mouth of a river which the Admiral named the Bethlehem, because he 
entered it on the Church festival of the Epiphany. In this neighborhood 



184 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

was a powerful cacique, whom they found to be the owner of rich gold mines. 
He offered to supply the Spaniards with guides to conduct them to these 
mines, but privately instructed these guides to convoy them to the mines 
owned by a neighboring cacique. Here, however, in spite of the trick which 
had been played them, they acquired, by barter and actual discovery, a large 
quantity of gold, more, said the Admiral, than he had seen in Hispaniola in 
four years. 

Columbus determined to found a settlement here, as a preliminary to 
working these rich mines and sending the product to Spain. By the end of 
March, 1503, a village of huts had been built, sufficient to shelter eighty men; 
here the Adelantado was to remain, with this number; while his brother, the 
Admiral, returned for supplies and tools. 

Rumors reached the Adelantado, however, that the natives intended to 
attack the village ; he marched promptly upon them, and seized the tricky 
chief, whom he held as a hostage. But the cacique, although bound hand 
and foot, managed to spring overboard and make his escape, swimming under 
water to the shore. Under his leadership, the angry natives attempted to 
burn down the village, by shooting flaming arrows upon the rojofs of the huts; 
and a boat's crew of eleven Spaniards, who had gone some distance up the 
river, were attacked by the natives in canoes. One out of the eleven escaped 
to tell the story. The boat, the only one that they had that was sea-worthy, 
was of course the prey of the victors. 

The weakest of the four vessels had been left with Don Bartholomew, as 
being scarcely fit for the homeward voyage; and the other three, with the 
Admiral in command, were in the offing, awaiting a favorable wind. But the 
dry season had made the river so shallow that it was impossible for the 
remaining caravel to cross the bar at its mouth, and as they had no boat that 
could be trusted to encounter the surf, it seemed that they were doomed to 
perish. At last, Ledesma, a bold i3ilot of Seville, encouraged by the example 
of some Indians who had escaped, when captured, by swimming to shore, 
made up his mind that he could do what they had done. He swam from the 
caravels, reached the shore, three miles away, in safety, and communicated 
with the Adelantado ; and then conveyed to the Admiral the news of how 
things stood on shore. 

In a few days the wind changed, and the would-be settlers embarking on 
the three vessels, the caravels stood out to sea. That one which was inside 
*the bar had to be abandoned; and at Porto Bello the Admiral was obliged to 
give up another caravel as no longer sea-worthy. Leaving the coast of the 
main land May 31, he steered toward Cuba; but while on this part of the 
voyage, a collision between his two remaining ships damaged them very 
seriously. The small vessels, "as full of holes as a honey-comb," so worm- 
eaten were they and injured by the storms and accidents which they had sus- 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 



185 



tamed, reached the southern coast of Cuba about the middle of June. Shap- 
ing his course thence for Jamaica, Columbus, finding that his ships would no 
longer float, ran them on shore, side by side, and built huts on deck for 
housing the crews. 



///// r I '%^M'm 










CoLCMBUs' Caravels Aground. 

Diego Meudez, the lieutenant of Columbus, and a Spaniard who had shown 
himself, during this voyage, the boldest of his officers, undertook and per- 
formed the difficult task of establishing a regular market in which the natives 
traded their fruit, cassava-bread, fish, and game for such articles of European 
manufacture as the Spaniards possessed. But how could they communicate 
with their countrymen on Hispaniola! A journey to the eastern end of 



1^6 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

Jamaica avouIcI be fraught with danger, for it would be through the midst of 
tribes which were not at peace with each other; so that the Spaniards woukl 
lind the friendship of one a cause for dreading another. But even were that 
point reached in safety, they knew that there were forty leagues of rough 
water between the two islands ; and they had no vessel in which the European 
sailors would risk such a voyage. 

It was a case of necessity, however; and with the truest kind of courage, 
Mendez, having carefully considered the case, and knowing very well the 
dangers, volunteered to undertake the voyage around Jamaica and across to 
Hispaniola in a native canoe. But one other Spaniard of like courage was 
found to accompany him ; and with six Indians, the two white men set out. 

While they were detained by rough weather at the easternmost point of Ja- 
maica, they were attacked by a number of savages, and, by sheer force of 
numbers, overpowered and carried off as captives. But Mendez had taken 
with him some beads and other trinkets to use in barter with the natives; and 
while the captors were quarreling over this rich spoil, the captives escaped, 
and, managing to reach their canoe, returned in safety to their comrades at 
Santa Gloria. 

Mendez was ready to try it again; but he stipulated that a sufficient force 
to guard against such accidents must accompany him to the most eastern point 
of the island. His courage was not without result, for, because of the exam- 
ple which he had set, a dozen of his comrades volunteered to try the danger- 
ous voyage; and in two canoes, with an armed escort on shore commanded by 
the Adelantado, the intrepid lieutenant again set out. 

The two canoes reached the shore of Hispaniola in safety; and Mendez, 
leaving his companions, proceeded alone to San Domingo, to ask for the help 
which was needed. The Governor had left for Xaragua; and Mendez made 
his way alone, through a hundred and fifty miles of wild forest country, to de- 
liver the message of the Admiral. 

Ovando received him with great kindness. He could not find words to ex- 
press his trouble at hearing of the situation in which Columbus was placed. 
Certainly he would send the help which was asked, only at present it was im- 
possible, because there were no vessels of sufficient burden at San Domingo. 
And thus, for seven weary months, he put off, from day to day, and from 
week to week, the request of Mendez. At last, Mendez received permission 
to go to San Domingo and await the arrival of certain ships which were ex- 
pected, one of which he might perhaps purchase for the use of the Admiral. 
He at once set off, on foot, although the distance was more than two hundred 
miles — for he had followed Ovando from place to place — and the path was 
neither safe nor easy. 

While Ovando was thus temporizing, ashamed to refuse help, and afraid to 
give it, the castaways at Santa Gloria did not even know if their envoys had 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 187 

reached Hispaniolaor not. It might have been supposed that they would not 
blame Columbus with what had occurred; that they knew too well that their 
misfortunes were the work of the elements. Nothing of the kind; the Ad- 
miral was responsible for all that the}' had suffered; it was the business of 
the Admiral to take them back to Spain. The murmuring grew louder and 
louder, until it reached the ear of Columbus himself. 

Francesco Porras was chosen as the leader of the mutineers ; and one day in 
January he went to the Admiral, who was confined to his bed by the gout, 
and stated plainly the intentions of the people. The Admiral, said Porras,' 
was evidently afraid to return to Spain; but the people had determined that 
they would not remain to perish; they intended to depart at once. The fol- 
lowers of Porras had pressed close upon his heels, even into the sick-room of 
the commander; and as these words were spoken, they shouted, as with one 
voice : — 

' ' To Castile ! To Castile ! We follow ! ' ' 

It was useless for the Admiral to tell them, as he tried to, that there was 
great danger in leaving the island in the canoes which were the only vessels 
which the}' had; and that they were blind indeed if they could not see that his 
interest was the same as theirs. They would not listen; but seizing upon all the 
canoes, the mutineers set out; only such as were sick remaining with Colum- 
bus and his brother. 

Porras and his followers made several attempts to cross toHispaniola, but 
were prevented by storms. Thus foiled, they proceeded to roam over the 
islands, committing every excess that imagination could devise, and in every 
way making themselves objects of hatred and terror to the natives. 

Unable to distinguish between just and honorable men, such as the Span- 
iards under the rule of Columbus had seemed, and the ruffian horde of Porras. 
when both classes were white and apparently of the same kindred, the In- 
dians showed contempt and hatred for the few remaining at Santa Gloria ; 
food could no longer be obtained from them; famine stared the Admiral and 
his followers in the face. 

It was in this dilemma that he determined to pit his science against their 
superstition. He knew that an eclipse of the moon would take place on a 
certain night. Of course, the Indians, who lived in the open air, had fre- 
quently witnessed such phenomena; but eclipses appear at such irregular in- 
tervals that the unlearned natives could not know with what certainty these 
obscurations can be foreseen. He accordingly assembled the caciques and 
their principal subjects, and assuming that Mendez had reached his destina- 
tion, thus addressed them through an interpreter: — 

" The God who protects me will punish you. You know what has hap- 
pened to those of my followers who have rebelled against me, and the dangers 
which they encountered in their attempt to cross to Hayti ; while those who 



I 



188 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 



weDt at my command made the passage without difficulty. Soon, too, shall 
the divine vengeance fall on you; this very night shall the moon change her 
color and lose her light, in testimony of the evils which shall be sent upon 
you from the skies." 




Columbus and the Eclipse. 

The natives listened, but little impressed by what was said. But as the 
shadow began to creep over the face of the moon, they became less scorn- 
ful; and as the dimness increased, they drew together in ajffright. Now one 
set up a cry; it was echoed again and again; and the most doleful howls filled 
the air. They crept to the very feet of Columbus, and begged him to inter- 
cede for them; he should want for nothing, only let the threatened danger 
be averted. As a proof of their sincerity, they hastily collected such food as 
they could readily lay their hands upon, and brought it to him. 

Columbus pretended to turn a deaf ear to their solicitations; but finall)', at 
the time when he knew that the eclipse must soon begin to pass off, he re- 
lented, and promised to intercede for them. He retired to his cabin, where 
they supposed that he performed some kind of strange rite, which caused the 
shadow to pass from the face of the moon, in token that their repentance 
and pron)ise of better things were acceptable to the white man's God. Hence- 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 189 

forward the castaways suffered no more hunger, but were most abundantly 
supplied with food. 

Since the mutiny of Porras and his companions, Columbus had gradually 
won back many of the rebels to his side ; but there was constant dissatisfac- 
tion, and soon another mutiny was on the point of breaking out. Before it 
had quite come to a head, however, a ship was descried standing toward the 
harbor; how eagerly it was watched by these poor shipwrecked creatures, who 
had almost lost hope of seeing home again, we can scarcely understand. 

The vessel was of small size, too small to have been sent to convey them to 
Hispaniola or to Spain; but there might be messages of cheer borne by it. 
They watched a boat lowered over the side, and rowed toward the land. As 
it approached, they saw, seated in the post of honor, Diego de Escobar, a 
man whom Columbus had condemned to death for participation in the Rol- 
dan mutiny, but who had been pardoned by Bobadilla. Coming alongside the 
ships, Escobar put aboard a letter from Ovando and a cask of wine and a 
side of bacon, which two last articles he said that Ovando intended as a token 
of his esteem and good will for Columbus; aaid withdrew to a distance, so 
that communication must be kept up by shouting aloud. Columbus was 
assured that Ovando greatly regretted the fact that he had no vessels of suf- 
ficient size to afford the relief desired; but that one would be sent as soon 
as possible. The messenger requested that any letter to the Governor might 
be written as soon as possible, for he was in a hurry to be off. Columbus ac- 
cordingly prepared an answer to the letter which he had received, and Esco- 
bar immediately put to sea. 

The choice of a man well-known as an enemy of Columbus to act as mes- 
senger in this instance shows that Ovando was not well disposed toward the 
Admiral; but Columbus made the best of it; and assured his followers, who 
were much disappointed that the vessel should sail off so quickly, that Esco- 
bar had been sent to convey to Hispaniola a portion of his command; but 
that he, the Admiral, had refused to leave any of his followers behind him, 
on a wild and inhospitable coast like that of Jamaica. There is no evidence 
that they quite believed these assurances; but they could not contradict them, 
since only the Admiral knew the contents of the letters; and Escobar had 
not permitted any communication between his men and the castaways. 

Columbus sent half the bacon and wnne as a peace-offering to the mutineers, 
^Avith whom he was anxious to make terms ; but his overtures were scornfully 
rejected; and Porras persuaded his followers that Escobar's caravel, which 
they had all seen, was nothing but an apparition conjured up by the magic 
arts of Columbus; for a man who possessed such strange instruments, and 
was so learned about the stars, and could foretell storms when there were no 
signs that any one else could see, and could find his way about the waters like 
this man, must of course be a magician or a sorcerer. 



190 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

There was good reason why Porras should have thus persuaded his follow- 
ers; for he was even then planning a descent upon the ships, to seize the few 
remaining stores and capture the Admiral. The Adelantado received infor- 
mation of this; and placing himself at the head of fifty men, all that the little 
force could furnish, marched against the mutineers, attacked them, and ended 
by defeating them and carrying off their leader as a prisoner. 

The mutineers at once submitted unconditionall}' to the Admiral, who par- 
doned them for their revolt against his authority; reserving the ringleader 
for future punishment. His oifense was, according to the laws of every na- 
tion, then as now, a capital one; and Columbus, as Viceroy and Admiral, was 
certainly empowered to try such offenders and pronounce and execute sen- 
tence when they had been found guilty; but he judged it best to defer this 
action until he had other spectators than a handful of men who had either 
been lately brought back under his authority, or who had been on the point 
of rebelling against it, though they had not actually done so. 

June 24, 1503, the two weather-beaten vessels had found shelter at Santa 
Gloria; June 28, 1504, two caravels arrived to convey them to Hispaniola. 
One of these had been sent by the tardy Ovando ; the other by the faithful 
Mendez. 

The voyage was a long and stormy one; and the vessels did not reach San 
Domingo until the 13th of August. Much to the surprise of Columbus, 
Ovando received him in state, proceeding to the harbor, attended by a nu- 
merous suite, for that purpose. But this was only an empty show of respect ; 
he soon announced that ha intended to institute a general inquiry as to the 
affairs which had taken place in Jamaica, in order to decide whether Porras 
and his associates had been justified in their rebellion against the Admiral's 
authority; and he insisted upon releasing Porras. 

" My authority as Viceroy must have sunk low indeed," remarked Colum- 
bus, sadly, "if it does not enable me to punish those of my ofiicers who 
mutiny against me." 

But Ovando possessed the actual power, and Porras was released. Colum- 
bus determined to return to Spain; and set sail, in the caravel which Mendez 
had sent to Jamaica for him, a month after his arrival at San Domingo. It 
seemed that storms pursued him wherever he went; for twice his little vessel 
nearly foundered ; twice, in successive tempests, her masts were sprung. Dis- 
ease laid her hand yet more heavily upon him than ever before; and it was a 
man who possessed neither means, nor health, nor favor with the sovereigns, 
nor hope of any better things to come, who landed from the frail and battered 
vessel at Seville, Nov. 7, 1504. 

Through all his troubles, since he had first found an advocate in the per- 
son of Juan Perez de Marchena, he had had one powerful friend; at times, 
her ear had been poisoned by the reports of his enemies; but always, when 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 191 

she heard the truth, or e\;en when, without hearing any other side of the story, 
she reflected upon the service which Columbus had rendered, and thought 
what manner of man he was, Isabella of Castile had shown her true greatness 
by her appreciation of the great Admiral. But now, even this friend failed 
him. The death of her son, of her grandson and heir, of her favorite daugh- 
ter, and the insanity of her remaining daughter, combined to make the great 
Queen one of the most unhappy of women. A deep melancholy settled upon 
her; and when Columbus arrived at Seville, it was well known that she had 
not long to live. 

He was too ill to go to court, even had he been certain that he would be 
well received; and he sent his son Diego to manage his affairs for him. But 
he heard no news from there; couriers are arriving every day, he says, but 
none for him, though he would desire to have news every hour. 

Nov. 26, the Queen died; and the noblest epitaph that has been written 
upon her is contained in a letter of her greatest servant, written to his son 
Diego, in haste and brevity, just as he received the news : — 

" The principal thing is to commend affectionately, and with great devo- 
tion, the soul of the Queen our sovereign to God. Her life was always 
catholic and holy, and prompt to all things in his Holy service ; for this rea- 
son we may rest assured that she is received into His glory, and beyond the 
cares of this rough and weary world." 

During the remainder of the winter and spring, Columbus remained at 
Seville, too ill to bear a journey; but, active in mind, directing the efforts 
which were made to obtain a recognition of his services and a redress of his 
wrongs from Ferdinand. One of the persons employed by him in his missions 
to the court was Americus Vespucius, who is described by Columbus as a 
worthy but unfortunate man, who had not profited as much as he deserved by 
his undertakings, and who had always been disposed to render him — Colum- 
bus — service. It was expected that Vespucius could prove the value of the 
latest discoveries of Columbus, since he had recently touched at the same 
coasts. 

Not until May was Columbus able to make the short journey that was re- 
quired. His applications made by proxy had been listened to coldly; and no 
sign had been given that those in authority thought that the Viceroy of the 
New World had any right or interest in its concerns. Columbus himself 
cared little for the revenues that he should have derived from mining and 
commerce; but he was exceedingly anxious that his dignities should be re- 
stored. He cared not to be a rich man, or to leave his heirs a vast accumula- 
tion of money; but he was, by solemn agreement with the sovereigns, Ad- 
miral of the Ocean and Viceroy of India; these titles, according to that same 
agreement, were to descend to his children; and he desired that Ferdinand 
should recognize his own action of previous years. 



TUK LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. IDo 

This the King was in no hurry to do, however; the causes of dehiy have 
already been given. He did not refuse absolutely; for the breach of faith 
would have been too flagrant; but he delayed as long as he could, and ended 
by referring the matter to the Board of Discharges of the Royal Conscience. 

The title of this august body sounds like it might have originated in one of 
the novels of Dickens; but there was actually such a board in Spain at the 
beginning of the sixteenth century; it had been appointed since the death of 
the Queen, to superintend the fulfilling of her will. Two consultations were 
held regarding the affairs of Columbus; but the Board was placed in a deli- 
cate position; nominally appointed to carry out tlie will of Isabella, they 
knew very well what she would have wished; but the King was a living power, 
and they were just as sure of his wishes as of hers. Nothing was settled in 
regard to this difficult question. 

Columbus endeavored to console himself with the idea that the King was 
but waiting to consult his daughter Juana, who was her mother's heir, and 
who was daily expected to come from Flanders with her husband; but Juana's 
coming was rendered uncertain by her frequent attacks of insanity, which 
deranged all the plans made for her. In fact, however, Ferdinand had no 
intention of consulting any one; he knew that Columbus was fast sinking 
under the weight of years and infirmities, and he was determined to delay his 
decision until the great man should be placed beyond all reward. 

Still he was profuse in his compliments to Columbus, though showing him 
no signs of real favor. Finally, not having been able to exhaust the patience 
of Columbus entirely, he offered to compromise the case by giving him, in 
place of his New World dignities, titles and estates in Castile. The offer 
was rejected with indignation by the Admiral, who justly considered his 
proudest title to be that which linked his name with the history of his discov- 
eries. And at last he despaired. He wrote to his friend, Diego de Deza: — 

" It appears that his majesty does not think fit to fulfill that which he, with 
the Queen, who is now in glory, promised me by word and seal. For me to 
contend for the contrary would be to contend with the wind. I have done 
all that I could do. I leave the rest to God, whom I have ever found propi- 
tious to me in my necessities." 

Yet, even after writing thus, he felt one last gleam of hope; it might be 
that Queen Juana and her husband, when they came to take possession of the 
throne of Castile, would hear him. They had arrived in Spain; but Colum- 
bus was again utterly prostrated, and could not go to Laredo to present his 
suit. His faithful brother, the Adelantado, undertook the mission. He was 
received with respect, and listened to graciously; the claims of the Admiral 
received due attention from the young sovereigns of Castile, and there was 
every reason to believe that there would be a speedy and prosperous termina- 
tion of his suit. 

13 



194 THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 

But even while hope was thus dawning anew, darkness was approaching, 
like a storm at morning. The great discoverer had made many voyages; first 
to every part of the known world, and then to mark out a path to the New 
"World; he Avas now about to set out on that last journey, to — 

"■ That undiscovered countn^ from whose bourne 
No traveler returns." 

As the spring of loOG progressed, it was seen that his malady was gradually 
assuming a worse form than ever. He set his house in order, making a mili- 
tary testament May 4, and supplementing this by a formal will drawn up about 
two weeks later. Providing for the maintenance and perpetuity of his family 
and dignities, he ordered his heir to build in Hispaniola a chapel where masses 
might be said daily for the repose of the souls of himself, his parents, his 
Avife, and all who died in the faith. He provided that his heir was to call him- 
self always The Admiral, no matter what other titles might be given him; and 
directed that measures should be taken to insure his remembrance in Genoa, 
the city of his birth. Provision was also made for the payment of various 
debts and rewards for services. 

Having attended to every claim upon his loyalty, affection and justice, Co- 
lumbus turned his thoughts from earth forever, and received the last sacra- 
ments of that Church of which he had been so devout a member. As death 
drew near, he murmured the words, sanctified by so many associations: — 

In vianus fuaft, Domine, commendo splritum meum — "Into Thy hands, O 
Lord, I commend my spirit;"' — and passed quietly away. 

His body was at first deposited in the convent of San Francisco, but in 
1513 was removed to tlie Carthusian monaster}- of Las Cuevas at Seville. 
Twenty-three years later, his remains, with those of his son Diego, who had 
been buried beside him, were removed to Hispaniola, and re-interred in the 
principal chapel of the cathedral at San Domingo. But, a wanderer through- 
out life, even his dust was not permitted to rest in peace; and toward the 
close of the eighteenth century, all the Spanish possessions in Hispaniola 
having been ceded to France, Spain retained possession of the ashes of her 
greatest servant, and removed them to the cathedral at Havana. The re- 
moval was performed with all the pomp and ceremony befitting the funeral 
services of the Admiral and the Viceroy of the Indies. 

" When we read of the remains of Columbus, thus conveyed from the port 
of San Domingo, after an interval of nearly three hundred years, as sacred 
national relics, with civic and military pomp, and high religious ceremonial; 
the most dignified and illustrious men striving who most should pay them 
reverence, we cannot but reflect that it was from this very port he was carried 
off, loaded with ignominious chains, blasted apparently in fame and fortune, 
and followed by the revilings of the rabble. Such honors, it is true, are 
nothing to the dead, nor can thev atone to the heart, now dust and ashes, for 



THE LAST VOYAGES OF COLUMBUS. 



195 



all the wrongs and sorrows it may have suffered ; but they speak volumes of 
comfort to the illustrious, yet slandered and persecuted living, encouraging 
them bravely to bear with present injuries, by showing them how true merit 
outlives all calumny, and receives its glorious reward in the admiration of 
after ages." — Washington Irving. 




Statue of Columbus on the Poktico of the Capitol at Washington. 



Jl "^' 



CHAPTER VL 
AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

Is *' America " an Indian Word ? — A City of Merchants— Tlie Vespucci Family — Educa- 
tion—A Family Misfortune — Americusin Spain— Connection with Columbus— First Voyage of 
Vespucius — South America Discovered — An American Venice — Attacked by Natives — An 
inland Visit — Friendly Natives — Repairing the Vessels— A Mission of Vengeance— A Desper- 
ate Conflict — Return to Spain— Disputes about the Voyages of Vespucius — Marriage— Visit to 
Court— Ojeda's Expedition — Second Voyage of Vespucius— Off the Coast of South America- 
Gentle Cannibals— Landing of the Spaniards Disputed— A Village of Giants— A Filthy Habit 
—Return to Spain— A Flattering Offer— His Third Voyage— A Stormy Passage— Land at Last 
— An Earthly Paradise — An Invitation Accepted— Murdered by Cannibals — Revenge Forbid- 
den— Vespucius becomes Commander — Off the Coast of Africa— Return to Portugal— The 
Fourth Voyage of Vespucius — Misfortunes — An Anxious Condition- South America Again — 
A Colony Planted — Return to Lisbon — To Spain— Preparations for New Expedition — Caus4 
of Delay — New Tasks Proposed— Appointed Chief Pilot of Spain — Visits Florence — His Death— 
His Family — Foundations of His Fame — Accusations— Original Application of the Name 
Amei'ica. 

(b|| HERE has been some effort made, of recent years, to show that the 
name America is really derived from an Indian word; and that the 
man whose name heads the present chapter derived it, as a surname, 
from the fact that he journeyed to the new-found continent, and wrote 
much about it. It is possible that in some of the languages or dialects of 
the various tribes of Indians there is a word, resembling in sound the name 
of America, which was applied to their country, or even to land in general ; 
the western continent being the only large body of land with which they 
had any acquaintance ; but Vespucius certainly did not derive his name 
from any circumstance connected with his explorations or writings ; for a 
letter written by him in 1478 is signed "Amerigo Vespucci." 

Dismissing this theory at the outset, then, we proceed to study the life 
of the man from whom the New World received its name. He belonged 
to a noble family which had originally lived a few miles from Florence, but 
under the government of that city. About the beginning of the thirteenth 
century, however, the representatives of the Vespucci established themselves 
in the city itself; and from that time they have remained identified with it. 

Florence was in many respects a peculiar city. Rich and powerful, its 
nobletr were proud of their long descent, of their stainless honor, of their 
patronage of the arts and sciences, of their high station and the estimation 
in which they were held by others. In these things they resembled the 
nobles of other nations. But unlike others, they saw no shame in engaging 
in commerce ; the city was a city of merchants, and her rulers were among 
the most successful of the great mercantile families. 

(196) 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS, 



197 



Anastatio Vespucci, Secretary of the Senate of Florence, was the head of 
the family in 1451, and lived in a stately mansion, now occupied as a hospital 
for the poor, near the gate of the city now known as Porta del Prato. The 
Vespucci coat of arms appears over the doors of many houses in this quarter 




of the city, indicating that the family was not without a share of this world's 
goods; their wealth seems to have been acquired by an ancestor, some time 
before the date specified; and Anastatio had but little besides his palatial 
dwelling and the salary attaching to his high office. Yet the name was a well- 
known one in Florence; for the wealthy ancestor had built more than one 



198 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

hospital for the suffering poor, and a magnificent chapel, where his own and 
his wife's remains still repose. 

March 9, 1451, the third son of this official Avas born, and duly christened 
Amerigo when three days old. The name had descended to him from an an- 
cestor who had filled a high office in 1336; how much older it was, or how 
many had borne it during that century, we do not know. 

Almost from his cradle, the boy was destined tobecome a merchant. This 
did not mean that he was early to be confined to the drudgery of the count- 
ing-house; he must first receive such education as Florence could give to the 
son of an old and distinguished family. His father's brother, a monk of the 
Order of San Marco, was a distinguished scholar; and before the birth of 
Americus had become famous as a teacher of the noble youths of the city. 
To this school went the future navigator. 

Mathematics, astronomy, cosmography, and the classics, seem to have com- 
prised his principal studies ; and he became especially interested in geography. 
It was his ambition to excel as a geographer; and with this aim, it is not 
to be wondered at that he sought the society of the great Toscanelli, that 
cosmographer to whom Columbus submitted the first draught of his wonder- 
ful scheme, and who so warmly approved the idea of the Genoese adventurer. 

Americus seems to have remained a student under his uncle's direction for 
a number of years. His studies were interrupted in 1478, when the plague 
appeared at Florence and the Vespuccis sought safety in the country. He 
appears, however, to have resumed them on his return to the city, after the 
pestilence had run its course. 

Just when it was that he fulfilled the wishes of his father, and entered up- 
on mercantile pursuits, we have no record: but it is certain that he did so at 
some time between the year 1478 and 1490. But however busily engaged in 
commercial operations he may have been, he never lost his early interest in 
geography; all the best maps, charts and globes obtainable were bought by 
him, however high the price ; and we have already noted that for one map he 
paid a sum equivalent to five hundred and fifty-five dollars of United States 
money. 

About the year 1480, his elder brother, Girolamo, had left home to seek 
his fortune in foreign climes, and had established himself in business in a 
city of Asia Minor. As time went on, the entire family contributed of their 
means to increase his capital; for he was very prosperous, and needed only 
to increase his operations to become immensely wealthy in a short time. 
Things went well with him until one day, while he was at church, thieves 
broke into his house and robbed him of all that he possessed. 

The circumstances that made it possible for the thieves to secure so much 
booty are not clearly described; we are interested only in the result of the 
robbery. The family was so impoverished t hat Americus determined to leave 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 199 

Florence, to retrieve his brother's losses by making greater gains elsewhere ; 
and he selected Spain as the scene of his future labors. 

Many young nobles from other countries were then in Spain, under the 
banner of Ferdinand and Isabella; for the war which these sovereigns were 
waging against the Moorish kingdoms in the southern part of the peninsula 
was regarded as a holy war, a Christian crusade against the Infidel ; and repu- 
tation and military experience were to be gained by engaging in it. Of course, 
this made many wants to be supplied by merchants and bankers; and Italian 
business men were quick to take advantage of the situation. Vespucius went 
as the agent of one of the Medici, the ruling family of Florence; he was com- 
missioned to deal with Bcrardi, an Italian who had already established him- 
self in Spain ; and the esteem in which he was held in his native city is shown 
by the fact that a number of young men accompanied him, to see the world 
of business under his supervision. 

At the beginning of 1492 he was associated in business with one Donato 
Nicollini; but he was also closely connected with Berardi, who, after the 
return of Columbus from his first voyage, was commissioned to furnish and 
equip four armaments, to be sent out to the New World at different times. 

Some writers have supposed that Vespucius accompanied Columbus on 
his second voyage; but the probabilities are against his having done so. The 
acquaintance of Columbus and Vespucius probably began after the great 
discoverer returned from his first voyage. The merchant was greatly excited 
by the reports of the discoveries of Columbus and had eagerly investigated 
them; but he arrived at very different conclusions from those supported by 
Columbus. He thought, for one thing, that Columbus, Toscanelli, and other 
geographers of the time were greatly mistaken in their estimate of the dis- 
tance from the western coast of Europe to the Eastern coast of Asia; and, 
while we cannot positivcl}" say when the idea was first formed, ho shows, by 
his letters, that he had a very clear notion that Cuba was not the main land, 
as Columbus supposed it to be, long before that great island was circum- 
navigated. 

Juan Berardi, the head of the mercantile house with which Vespucius had 
connected himself on first coming to Spain, died in December, 1495, and the 
management of affairs devolved upon the junior partner. But he wearied 
of seeking the favors of fortune; he determined to abandon mercantile 
affairs, and direct his attention *'to something more laudable and stable." 
It is thus, in a letter directed to an old schoolmate, that he speaks of visiting 
the various parts of the world. 

Contrary to the agreement which had been made with Columbus, the 
sovereigns, after his second voyage, permitted private adventurers to pro- 
secute discoveries in the West Indies; and even assisted in fitting out fleets 
for other leaders than the Admiral. One of these leaders was that Ojeda 



2(J0 AMERJCrS VESPUCIUS. 

who had done so much to subdue the natives of Hispaniola; and his squad- 
ron consisted of four vessels, Aniericus Vespucius was one of those who 
accompanied him ; according to some accounts, as one of the principal pilots; 
according to the explanations of others, as a sort of agent of the sovereigns, 
having a voice in the direction of the ships, and thus classed as a pilot and 
captain. 

May 10, 1497, they left Cadiz; and after reaching the Canaries, sailed so 
rapidly that at the end of twenty-seven days they came in sight of land. This 
they judged to be a continent, although he does not tell us what were the 
grounds for supposing it to be so. They anchored, and attempted to hold 
some intercourse with the natives; but the Indians proved so shy that they 
sought a more secure anchorage. 

This difficulty in communicating with the natives lasted for some days; but 
finally they managed to get near enough to the inhabitants to display the 
articles which they had brought for the purpose of making presents or trad- 
ing; and won the good-will of the savages by gifts. The news of the 
strangers' generosity spread along the coast, and for some time, wherever 
they went, they were well received. 

Coasting along the shore of South America — for they were right in suppos- 
ing this to be a continent — they came upon a village, which, much to their 
surprise, was built after the Venetian fashion ; the houses, upon piers in the 
water, had entrances by means of draw-bridges; so that the inhabitants, 
by leaving the bridges down, could traverse the whole town without 
difficulty. 

In allusion to the city which this village resembled, they called it Venez- 
uela; a name which has endured to the present day. At the first sign of the 
newcomers, the inhabitants had shut themselves up in their houses, and 
raised the draw-bridges ; and as the ships came nearer, the savages embarked 
in their canoes and rowed out to sea. 

Twenty-two of these small vessels approached the larger ones from across the 
water; and the Spaniards made every sign of friendship that ingenuity could 
suggest, inviting the Indians to come nearer. As the invitation was disre- 
garded, they thought to go toward them ; but at the first indication of this 
intention, the Indians turned their canoes toward the land, and hastened 
away; making signs for the Spaniards to wait where they were, for their 
return. 

They came back, bringing with them sixteen young girls, as if these would 
be the means of making peace. So impressed were the Europeans by the 
trust which the Indians evidently reposed in them, that their suspicions were 
not awakened by the sight of numbers swimming toward the ships. 

Suddenly, they noticed that some of the women, at the doors of the huts, 
were wailing and tearing their hair, as if in great distress. While they were 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 201 

wondering what this meant, the girls, as if by one impulse, sprang from the 
boats which they had entered from the canoes, and the Spaniards discovered 
that every man in the canoes had a bow and arrows, and every man swimming 
around them in the sea had a lance. Hardly had they noted this, before they 
were furiously assailed. 

The Spaniards not only defended themselves, but took the offensive. 
They overturned several of the canoes, killed fifteen or twenty, and wounded 
many more; taking two girls and three men prisoners. "Conscientious 
scruples," a rare thing among these old navigators, prevented them from 
burning the town, and they returned to their ships, where the three men 
whom they had captured were put in irons. However, morning showed that 
this latter precaution had been ineffectual in one case; for, during the night, 
the two girls and one of the men " escaped in the most artful manner in the 
world." 

The next day, keeping their course continually along the coast, they came 
to anchor about eighty leagues from this New World Venice, and saw a 
throng of about four thousand persons gathered on the shore. These, how- 
ever, did not wait to receive them, but fled to the woods as the Spaniards let 
down their boats. 

The white men followed them, and found their camp, where two of them 
were engaged in cooking iguanas, an animal which the early discoverers and 
explorers were accustomed to describe as a serpent, and to regard with much 
horror as an article of food, until some one of them found himself virtually 
compelled by circumstances to taste it; and found the flesh so delicious that 
he never again hesitated to eat of it. The two cooks fled, of course; but the 
whites, in order to reassure the natives, disturbed nothing in the camp, but 
left many of their own articles in the rude tents. 

Efforts to make friends with them proved more successful the next day; 
and when the Indians saw the two prisoners that the Spaniards had taken, 
they were doubly friendly; for these men belonged to a tribe with which they 
were at war. They finally informed the whites that this was not their dwell- 
ing; that they had merely come here for the fishing; and invited the strangers 
to go with them to their villages, for they wished to receive them as friends. 

This invitation seems to have been received with no great satisfaction by 
the whites; for Vespucius says: — 

" They importuned us so much, that, having taken counsel, twenty-three 
of us Christians concluded to go with them, well prepared, and with firm 
resolution to die manfully, if such was to be our fate." 

After remaining for three days at the fishing-camp, they set out for the 
interior; where they visited so many villages that they were nine days on 
the journey, and their comrades on board the vessels grew very uneasy 
about them. 



202 AMERICWS VESPUCIDA 

They were escorted back by a great number of the savages, both men and 
women ; and their guides were so eager to serve them that they were not per- 
mitted to fatigue themselves at all. Did a white man seem tired of the walk? 
A hammock was ready, slung on the shoulders of strong and willing Indians. 
Did one of them find it impossible to carry the presents which had been given 
him? Another hammock was at hand, and the presents stowed in that; while 
(he bearers proved absolutely honest. Was there a river to be crossed? For 
;very white man, there was a stout Indian back, ready to receive this burden. 

Arrived at the shore, their boats were almost swamped by the number of 
those who Avished to accompany them; while swarms who could not get into 
the boats swam alongside to the ships. So many came aboard, that the 
mariners were quite troubled ; not being quite secure against sudden treacherj' . 
As the savages were naked and unarmed, however, they subdued their fears; 
contenting themselves with an effort to impress the natives with a sense of 
their power, by discharging a cannon. This so frightened them, says Vespu- 
cius, that many of them leaped into the seas as suddenly as frogs sitting on a 
bank plunge into the marsh at the first sound that alarms them. Those who 
remained were reassured by the mariners ; and took leave of them with many 
demonstrations of affection. 

They had now been thirteen months at sea, and the ships and rigging were 
much worn. By common consent they agreed to careen their vessels on the 
beach, in order to calk and pitch them anew, as they leaked badly, and then 
to return to Spain. They made a breastwork of their boats and casks, and 
placed their artillery so that it would play over them; then having unloaded 
and lightened their ships, hauled them to land, and repaired them wherever 
.hey needed it. 

Although they had made such elaborate preparations for repulsing any at- 
tack which the natives mighthave made upon them, the Indians gave no sign 
of hostility, but brought them such quantities of food that they consumed a 
very little of their own stores. This was a fortunate thing; for their pro- 
visions were so much reduced in quantity that the mariners feared they would 
not have enough to last them until they got back to Spain. Thirty-seven 
days were thus spent in repairing the vessels. 

Before they set sail, the natives complained to them that at certain times 
in the year there came from the sea to their country a very cruel tribe, who, 
either by treachery or force, killed many of them and ate them ; capturing 
others, and carrying them away as captives. Against these enemies, said the 
friendly natives, they were not able to defend themselves; and, when the 
Spaniards promised to avenge their injuries, no words could express their 
gratitude. Many offered to go with them ; but the whites wisely rejected 
such offers, and permitted but seven to accompany them; these going upon 
the express condition that they should return in their own canoes. 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 



203 



Taking a northeasterly course, at the end of seven days they fell in with 
some islands, many of which were peopled. On one of these, which they 
found was called by the natives Iti, they landed; but not without difficulty. 

As the boats were lowered, the Spaniards saw about four hundred men and 
women gather on the beach, the men armed with bows and arrows and lances, 
their naked bodies painted with various colors, while feathers were liberally 
used as ornaments. As the strangers approached within bowshot of the 
shore, these savages sent a flight of arrows at them, in determined effort to 
prevent them from landing. 




Vespucius Exploring the New Country. 

So persistent were they in their efforts to prevent the Spaniards from land- 
ing, that the latter finally concluded to use their artillery. A round was fired ; 
and the astonished Indians, hearing the thunder, and seeing some of their 
number fall dead, hastily retreated. Forty of the whites resolved to leap 



204 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

ashore and fight with the islanders. They fought for about two hours with- 
out any decisive victory on either side; some of the Indians were killed, and 
some of the whites w^ere injured. It was only when the newcomers succeeded 
in making it a hand-to-hand combat, where the temper of their swords counted 
for more than quickness or accuracy of aim, that they were enabled to beat 
off the Indians. 

Tired out, the whices were glad enough to return to their vessels. The 
next day, the natives again approached the shore, making many hostile dem- 
onstrations. A force of fifty-seven men was sent ashore, Americus being then, 
as on the previous day, one of the fighters; this body landed without resist- 
ance, for the natives feared the cannon. 

After a long battle, having killed many, the strangers put the islanders to 
flight, and pursued them to a village, taking about twenty-five — according to 
some authorities, two hundred and fifty — prisoners. They burned the village, 
and returned victorious to the ships with their prisoners, leaving many killed 
and wounded on the side of the enemy, while on their own not more than 
one died, and only twenty-two were wounded. They soon arranged for their 
departure; and the seven Indians from the continent, of whom five were 
wounded, took a canoe from the island, and with seven prisoners returned to 
their own country, with a most wonderful story to tell of the power of the 
white strangers. The mariners set sail for Spain, and arrived there Oct. 15, 
1498, after an absence of about nineteen months. 

There is some question about the first voyage of Vespucius. The belief 
that the expedition was commanded by Ojeda is not shared by all ; some au- 
thorities stating that it was a private enterprise, in which Vespucius bore as 
great a part as any; while he seems to have been altogether subordinate to 
Ojeda on the second voyage, when he himself states that that gallant cavalier 
was the commander. The truth is that one early historian sought to prove 
that Columbus had been the first European to visit the continent; the above 
account, drawn from the letter of Vespucius, shows that the voyage was 
completed only a few months after Columbus set sail on his third voyage, the 
first when he reached the main land. In this effort, the historian has not 
hesitated to twist things to his own purpose ; and has succeeded in creating 
some doubt about the details. 

However this may be, Ojeda was certainly the leader in the second voyage 
which Vespucius made, if we are to trust the assertion of Americus himself. 
The cavalier had a strong friend at court, a relative of his being a close friend 
of Bishop Fonseca, to whom the management of all affairs connected with 
the Indies had been entrusted. Fonseca had been a bitter enemy of Colum- 
bus, ever since the great discoverer had insisted on having a larger household 
than Fonseca had thought necessary; and having appealed to the sovereigns, 
had received a decision against the Bishop. Fonseca was ready to do anything 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 205 

which might annoy or injure Columbus; and it is supposed that he actually 
gave to Ojeda the chart which Columbus had submitted to the sovereigns, as 
showing the nature and extent of his discoveries, and the route which he had 
taken. This, of course, was a gross breach of faith ; for Columbus was espec- 
ially anxious to keep his course a secret as long as possible; and the chart 
had been committed to Fonseca's care in his official capacity, with the under- 
standing that he was not to show it unless formally required to do so. 

In the short interval between his first and second voyage, Vespucius found 
time, opportunity and inclination for somethingquite different from the study 
of geography. He embarked upon the sea of matrimony, with, as first and 
only mate, a lady of Seville, of an honorable though not wealthy family. 
They had been betrothed before the first voyage, but for some reason the 
wedding was postponed until after his return. 

Soon after his marriage, Vespucius visited the court, where he was received 
with much kindness by the King and by Bishop Fonseca. He was consulted 
respecting the expedition which was then being prepared, and the accounts 
of what he had himself seen were listened to with much interest. Ferdinand 
was gratified to find that others besides Columbus could succeed in discover- 
ing and exploring these new lands; and begrudged the Admiral the glory of 
having shown these others the way. Fonseca was equally pleased to find some 
one willing and capable to take up the work which he was only too anxious to 
wrest from the hand of Columbus. 

Ojeda had no experience as a mariner, and looked upon the proposed voy- 
age rather as a marauding expedition. He was therefore desirous of securing 
the assistance of experienced navigators; and in this wish he was fully sec- 
^ onded by the King and his minister. The reputation of Vespucius as a geo- 
grapher was such as to mark him as the man that was wanted; and he seems 
to have had some repute as a practical navigator. He was strongly urged to 
make one of the expedition, but was at first disinclined t.Q, leave home so soon 
after his return; but to his natural inclination for such a journey were added 
the urgings and entreaties of Ojeda and Fonseca, and the known wishes of 
the King; and Americus decided to visit the New World again. 

It was probably due to the influence of Vespucius that so many of the rich 
merchants of Seville joined in staking a portion of their fortunes on the suc- 
cess of this expedition. A fleet of four vessels was speedily equipped; and 
the latter part of the spring of 1499 saw them read}^ f or sea; many of the 
adventurers who had sailed with Columbus and returned in disgust from His- 
paniola having been tempted to enlist in this new enterprise, in which they 
hoped to achieve the wealth they had vainly sought before. 

They set sail from Cadiz May 18, 1499; and spent twenty days in the voy- 
age to the Canaries. Twenty-four days later, having sailed but very little 
west of south, they saw land; and having given thanks to God, launched 



206 



AMERICUS VESPDCIUS. 



their boats, and endeavored to tind a landing-place. The shore, however, was 
so low, and so densely covered with the evergreen aromatic trees, that they 
concluded to return to the ships and try some other spot. 




Natives of the Amazon. 

One remarkable thing that they observed in these seas was that at a dis- 
tance of fifteen leagues, or forty-five miles, from land, they came upon a cur- 
rent of fresh water, from which they filled their casks. The latitude, as 
stated by Vespucius in his account of this voyage, does not agree with the 
supposition that this was the Amazon; though the description of the coast 
and the volume and strength of the current so far out at sea would lead us to 
believe that this greatest of rivers must be the stream that he meant. He adds 
that, as they sailed along the coast, they saw two large rivers, one four leagues 
wide, running from west to east, the other three leagues wide, running from 
.south to north ; and concluded that these must be the cause of that current 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 207 

of fresh water; yet he says nothing of having entered an arm of the sea, or 
of having land on either side of the vessels. 

Having prepared their boats, and put in provision for four days, with 
twenty men well armed, they entered the river, and rowed nearly two days, 
ascending it something more than fifty miles. But the land was as low as at 
the mouth; and the reconnoitering party, concluding that the ships could not 
land here, floated down the stream to the fleet again. They raised anchor 
and set sail, continuing in a southerly direction, and standing off to sea about 
forty leagues. 

They now encounted that great equatoHal current which sweej^s along the 
coast of Brazil, dividing into two great streams at Cape St. Roque. This was 
the northern half into which their vessels came; for he says that it " ran 
from southeast, to northwest; so great was it, and ran so furiously, that we 
were put into great fear, and were exposed to great peril. The current was 
so strong, that the strait of Gibraltar and that of the Faro of Messina ap- 
peared to us like mere stagnant water in comparison with it. We could 
scarcely make any headway against it, though we had the wind fresh and fair. 
Seeing that we made no progress, or but very little, and the danger to which 
we were exposed, we determined to turn our prows to the northwest." 

Before, however, they quit the waters south of the equator, Vespucius made 
many endeavors to fix upon that star in the southern heavens which corres- 
ponds to the North Star in the other hemisphere. Many a night's sleep he 
lost, he tells us; but the nights were so bad, and his instruments, quadrant 
and astrolabe, were so primitive, that he could not distinguish a star which 
had less than ten degrees of motion around the firmament; so that his ambi- 
tion to fix upon the South Pole Star was not gratified. 

They continued on their northwesterl}' course until they had passed ten de- 
grees north of the equator, when they again saw land. Arrived at this is- 
land — for such it proved to be — they anchored about a mile from the beach, 
fitted out the boats, and with twenty-two well-armed men, rowed to land. 
Many of the inhabitants Mere gathered upon the shore from the time that 
their ships first came in sight; but as the strangers landed, they took fright, 
and ran into the woods. It took much exertion to reassure them so that they 
were willing to return. Fortunately, two of them had been captured on the 
first landing, and one of these was employed as an envoy. These people, al- 
though he says they were of a gentle disposition, are described as cannibals; 
eating the bodies of those who are killed or taken in war; and Vespucius adds 
that the Spaniards saw the heads and bones of those who had been eaten, and 
that the savages did not attempt to deny this practice. 

Sailing along the coast of this island, they came to another village of the 
same tribe, where they were hospitably received and fed by the inhabitants. 
From this point they made sail to the Gulf of Paria, and anchored opposite 



208 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 



one of the mouths of the Orinoco. Here there was a large village close to 
the sea, the inhabitants of which regaled the mariners with three different 
kinds of wine, and presented them with eleven large pearls, more than a hun- 
dred smaller ones, and a small quantity of gold. 




On the Orinoco. 

They remained here seventeen days, feasting on the fruits and savory acorns 
with which the place abounded. They then continued their journey along 
the coast, stopping occasionally to hold intercourse with the natives. 

But they soon passed the part of the country where the natives were dis- 
posed to be friendly. Vespucius says these more hostile tribes " stood wait- 
ing for us with their arms, which were bows and arrows, and with some other 
arms w^iich they use. When w^e w^ent to the shore in our boats, they disputed 
our landing in such a manner that we were obliged to fight with them. At 
the end of the battle they found that they had the worst of it, for as they were 
naked, we always made great slaughter. Many times not more than sixteen 



AMKKKLS VKSrUCIUS. 209 

of us fought with two thousand of them, and in the, end defeated them, kill- 
ing many, and robbing their houses. 

" One day we saw a great number of people, all posted in battle array to 
prevent our landing, We fitted out twenty-six men well armed, and covered 
the boats, on account of the arrows that were shot at us, and which always 
wounded some of us before we landed. After they hindered us as long as they 
could, we leaped on shore, and fought a hard battle with them. The reason 
why they had so much courage and made such great exertion against us, war, 
that they did not know what kind of a weapon the sword was, or how it cuts. 
While thus engaged in combat, so great was the multitude of people who 
charged upon us, throwing at us such a cloud of arrows, that we could not 
withstand the assault, and nearly abandoning the hope of life, we turned our 
backs and ran to the boats. While thus disheartened and flying, one of our 
sailors, a Portuguese, a man of fifty-five years of age, who had remained to 
guard the boat, seeing the danger we were in, jumped on shore, and with a 
loud voice called out to us: — 

"Children! turn your faces to your enemies, and God will give you the 
victory! " 

*' Throw^ing himself on his knees, he made a prayer, and then rushed furi- 
ously upon the Indians, and we all joined with him, wounded as we were. On 
that they turned their backs to us, and began to flee, and finally we routed 
them, and killed a hundred and fifty. We burned their houses, also, at least 
one hundred and eighty in number. Then, as we were badly wounded and 
weary, we returned to the ships, and went into a harbor to recruit, where we 
stayed twenty days, solely that the physician might cure us. All escaped, ex- 
cept one who was wounded in the left breast." 

As they went on, they were obliged to fight with a great many people, he 
tells us, but always had the victory. No other adventure is detailed until they 
landed at an island, some fifteen leagues from the land; but he docs not state 
its position more definitely than this. Two remarkable circumstances are 
stated in regard to the inhabitants of this island, one in each of the tw^o long 
letters which Vespucius wrote, describing what he had seen on his voyage. 
In one letter he says that, seeing no people near the shore, eleven of them 
landed and walked two leagues inland before they came upon a village. 
There were twelve houses here, but only seven persons, all of whom were 
women. There was not one among them, he gravely assures us, who was not 
a span and a half taller than himself, although he was not below the average 
height of men. While they were being entertained by these giantesses, and 
repaying the hospitality by planning to carry off two young girls as a present 
to the King, thirty-six men entered the town, and came to the house where 
the strangers were drinking. So tall were they that each upon his knees 
towered above the tallestof the white men standing. The travelers were not 
14 



210 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

a little alarmed at the sight of so many giants, evidently strong in proportion 
to their height; but the huge Indians proved as kindly as their women, and 
after conversing with the strangers by signs, escorted them back to their 
ships. 

In another letter, he says that the people of this island were the most 
filthy and bestial that he had ever seen; but at the same time so peaceable 
that he was able to become acquainted with some of their customs. One of 
these, which particularly disgusted the fastidious Florentine, is thus de- 
scribed: — 

" They all had their cheeks stuffed full of a green herb, which they were 
continually chewing, as beasts chew the cud, so that they were scarcely able 
to speak. Each of them wore, hanging at the neck, two dried gourd-shells, 
one of which was filled with the same kind of herb which they had in their 
mouths, and the other with a white meal, which appeared to be chalk-dust. 
They also carried with them a small stick, which they wetted in their mouths 
from time to time, and then put into the meal, afterwards putting it into the 
herb, with which both cheeks were filled, and mixing the meal with it. We 
were surprised at their conduct, and could not understand for what purpose 
they indulged in the filthy habit." 

Evidently, Vespucius was nothing of a prophet, or he would have foreseen 
that Europeans and their American descendants would learn to indulge freely 
in practices just as filthy as that which he so condemns. It is probable, how- 
ever, that the weed which they chewed was not tobacco, but a species of that 
plant so much esteemed in the East Indies, and there known as the betel. 
The dust was calcined oyster shells; and he discovered that the reason for 
indulging in this habit was found in the lack of fresh water on the island. 
There were no streams or springs ; but the natives were accustomed to col- 
lect the dew which fell upon certain large-leaved plants, and allay their thirst 
with that. As this supply was of course very small, they were driven to 
chewing these substances to prevent thirst. 

They had now been at sea about a year. Their stock of provisions was nearly 
exhausted, and much of that which remained had been spoiled by the heat. 
Their ships were sea-worn and leaky, so that the pumps could scarcely keep 
them free from water. They decided to go to Hispaniola, from which they 
were, according to the pilots, about three hundred and sixty miles away; 
there to repair their ships, and allow the sailors some little recrea'^ion. 

Reaching the only New World settlement of Europeans after a voyage of a 
week, they remained there for two months, refitting their ships and provis- 
ioning them for the voyage of three hundred leagues of ocean which lay be- 
tween them and Castile. So Vespucius states the distance; but our modern 
maps show it to have been from two to three times as great. 

They were so refreshed by their stay in Hispaniola that they concluded to 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 211 

make their voyage longer; and cruised for some time among the numberless 
small islands north of Hayti, discovering more than a thousand. This por- 
tion of their voyage was fraught with dangers, on account of the numerous 
shoals; and more than once they came near being lost. But the provisions 
which they had procured in Hispaniola began to give out; they were reduced 
to six ounces of bread and three small measures of water per day for each 
man; and the ships showed the effects of the long voyage in the torrid zone, 
even though they had so lately been repaired. The leaders of the expedition 
therefore concluded to take some slaves, and return to their home. 

Inaccordance with this resolution, two hundred and thirty-two unfortunate 
natives were torn from their island homes and their pleasant, indolent life, 
and taken aboard the ships. Sixty-seven days were required for the voyage 
to the Azores, where they stopped for supplies; and as the winds were con- 
trary when they left these islands, they were obliged to steer southward to 
the Canaries before they could reach Cadiz. 

They arrived at the starting-point June 8, 1500, after an absence of about 
thirteen months. Of the fifty-seven men who had set out, two had been killed 
by the Indians; the others returned home. Thirty-two of the captives had 
died on the voyage; the others were sold. But the merchant-traveler notes 
that the profits of the voyage, after expenses were paid, were very small; 
only five hundred ducats being gained, which, divided into fifty-five shares, 
would give each man a sum equivalent, at the present day, to a little over 
fifty dollars of United States money. 

But this small result, in a pecuniary point of view, did not deter him from 
desiring to undertake another voyage as soon as preparations could be made; 
nor did sickness, incurred while in the unhealthful climate of the West In- 
dies, lessen his taste for wandering. He set to work at once to make ready 
anew fleet, being assisted by some merchants of Seville; and had planned to 
sail in September of the year 1500,, or but three months after his return. 

The letters of Vespucius describing the countries which he visited had been 
widely published; indeed, there is a dispute about the address of one of them 
which one of his biographers explains by the assertion that copies of it were 
probably sent to many prominent men of the time, as if it were a special 
letter to each. His letters were meant to be circulated, and this intention of 
the writer was carried out by the recipient. He was virtually the fifteenth- 
century forerunner of the modern newspaper correspondent. 

By means of these letters he had gained a wide celebrity. Probably his 
name was, even at this early day, as closely connected with the idea of the 
New World as was that of its real discoverer. He had become a§ well known 
as Columbus, but had not received those sounding titles and wide-extended 
rights which Ferdinand and Isabella had granted to Columbus before his 
great discovery was made. 



212 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

Such beiug the reputation of the man, it was no -wonder that the attention 
of the King of Portugal had been directed to him. The Portuguese had 
never ceased to regret their treatment of Columbus; a nation proud above all 
things of its maritime discoveries and enterprise, they had seen their achieve- 
ments far eclipsed by those of a sailor who had first offered his services to 
their king, and had them rejected. It was useless to try to win him from the 
service of the King of Spain; for, disgusted at the duplicity of Portugal, he 
had refused to listen to her before Ferdinand and Isabella had accepted his 
proposition. But here was a navigator of almost equal renown; he had 
visited the very countries at which a Portuguese fleet had recently touched; 
and which, by a new agreement between the two countries, now belonged to 
Portugal. We quote from another letter of Vespucius, written after the 
voyage was accomplished: — 

*' I was reposing myself in Seville, after the many toils I had undergone in 
the two voyages made for his Serene Highness Ferdinand, King of Castile, 
in the Indies, yet indulging a willingness to return to the land of pearls, when 
fortune, not seeming to be satisfied with my former labors, inspired the mind 
of his Serene Majesty, Don Emmanuel, King of Portugal — I know not through 
what circumstances — to attempt to avail himself of my services. There came 
to me a royal letter from his Majesty, containing a solicitation that I would 
come to Lisbon and speak with his Highness, he promising to show me nniny 
favors. I did not at once determine to go, and argued with the messenger, 
telling him I was ill, and indisposed for the undertaking, but that when I 
recovered, if his Highness wished me to serve him, I would do whatever he 
might command me. 

•' Seeing that he could not obtain me, he sent Juliano di Bartolomeo del 
Giacondo, who at that time resided in Lisbon, with commission to use every 
possible means to bring me back with him. Juliano came to Seville, and on 
his arrival, and induced by his urgent entreaties, I was persuaded to go, 
though my going was looked upon with ill-favor by all who knew me. It was 
thus regarded by my friends, because I abandoned Castile, where I had been 
honored, and because they thought that the" King had rightful possession of 
me, and it was considered still worse that I departed without taking leave of 
my host. 

" Having presented myself at the court of King Emmanuel, he appeared to 
be highly pleased with my coming, and requested that I would accompany his 
three ships which were ready to set out for the discovery of new lands. 
Thus, esteeming a request from a king as equivalent to a command, I was 
Dbliged to consent to whatever he asked of me." 

There must have been some reason why Vespucius was so ready to go to 
Portugal, and to accept the requests of the King as commands; but these 
cannot now be determined. It is probable, from hints that he gives through- 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 213 

out his letters, that his prominence had made enemies for him in Spain; per- 
haps Fonseca, who seems to have been constitutionally jealous of all who 
succeeded, had indulged in some of his acts of petty tyranny. There was no 
open quarrel; and whatever hard feeling there nuiy have been was dissipated 
by time. 

Sailing under the authority of the King of Portugal, it was possible for' 
them to take a slightly different course from any that had been followed by: 
'Spanish expeditions. The three armed caravels left Lisbon May 13, 1501;! 
and after touching at the Canaries, turned to the south., and ran along the 
coast of Africa as far as Cape Verde. Here they rested for a while, and then 
set sail, directing their course "toward the Antarctic Pole." 

The wind, however, was easterly, so that their course was not directly 
south. The voyage was a long and stormy one. From the time that they left 
Lisbon, they sailed " ninety-seven days, experiencing harsh and cruel fortune. 
During forty-four days, the heavens were in great commotion, and we had 
nothing but thunder and lightning and drenching rain. Dark clouds covered 
the sky, so that by day we could see but little better than we could inordinary 
nights, without moonlight. Our nights were of the blackest darkness. The 
fear of death came over us, and the hope of life almost deserted us. After 
all these heavy afflictions, at last it pleased God, in his mercy, to have com- 
passion on us and to save our lives. On a sudden, the land appeared in view, 
and at the sight of it, our courage, which had fallen very low, and our 
strength, which had become weakness, immediately revived. Thus it usually 
happens to those who have passed through great affliction, and especially to 
those who have been preserved from the rage of evil fortune. 

*' On the seventeenth day of August, in the year 1501, we anchored by the 
shore of that country, and rendered to the Supreme Being our most sincere 
thanks, according to the Christian custom, in a solemn celebration of mass. 
****** Many other things I would describe, but have studiously 
avoided mentioning, in order that my work might not become lafge beyond 
measure. One thing only I feel that I should not omit: it is that, aided by 
the goodness of God, in due time, and according to our need, we saw land; 
for we were not able to sustain ourselves any longer; all our provisions had 
failed us; our wood, water, biscuit, salt meat, cheese, wine, oil, and, what is 
more, our vigor of mind, all gone. By God's mercy, therefore, our lives 
were spared, and to him we ought to render thanks, honor, and glory." 

They had reached South America at a point about a hundred and fifty 
miles south of where they had first touched on the preceding voyage, or about 
eight degrees south of the equator. Their coasting voyage was prolonged 
until they had reached a point on the coast of Patagonia, fifty degrees south. 
But they did not know that this was the same continent as that which they 
had previously explored ; they had been so driven by the storms that, with- 



214 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

out observations, it was impossible for them to be at all certain of their lati- 
tude or longitude; and the weather of course had prevented them from de- 
riving any aid from the heavenly bodies. But the storms were not the only 
source of danger, as Vespucius tells us: — 

*' We had arrived at a place which, if I had not possessed some knowledge 
of cosmography, by the negligence of the pilot would have finished the course 
of our lives. There was no pilot who knew our situation within fifty leagues, 
and we went rambling about, and should not have known whither we were 
going, if I had not provided in season for my own safety and that of my com- 
panions, with the astrolabe and quadrant, my astrological instruments. On 
this occasion I acquired no little glory for myself; so that, from that time 
forward, I was held in such estimation by my companions as the learned are 
held in by people of quality. I explained the sea-charts to them, and made 
them confess that the ordinary pilots were ignorant of cosmography, and 
knew nothing in comparison with myself." 

The country was thickly inhabited by tribes who proved to b€ very friendly; 
and the mariners landed frequently as they journeyed along the coast. Their 
horror was excited when they learned that these savages went to war and 
fought with incredible fierceness, for no other reason than that their ances- 
tors were at war with the same tribes, and the death of those who had fallen 
in battle must be avenged. Most of them, too, were cannibals, he declares; 
eating not only the bodies of their enemies, but those of their own acquaint- 
ance and even kindred. 

Yet the magnificence of the vegetation, the stories which the Indians told 
of gold and jewels, the gorgeous plumage of the birds, the fragrance of the 
woods, and the strange and varied fruits and grains brought forth in the 
greatest abundance by the untilled soil, so excited the wondering admiration 
of the navigator that he exclaims: *' If there is a terrestial paradise in the 
world, it cannot be far from this region." 

We omit his descriptions of the stars of the southern hemisphere, which 
he gives, not only in this letter, but in an account which he presented to the 
King; judging his astronomical discoveries of equal value, at least, with the 
geographical results of the expedition; nor have we space for his description 
of the rainbow which he saw at midnight, nor of the new moon seen at mid- 
day. 

Not all the natives, however, proved friendly. At a point five degrees 
south of the equator — for they had gone north a short distance — they found 
it impossible to attract the natives to a conference. They accordingly left a 
number of articles, such as bells, looking-glasses, and similar trifles, on the 
shore; hoping that the savage inhabitants would see by this that the strangers 
were well-disposed toward them. 

The next morning, they saw from the ships that the Indians were making 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 215 

bonfires along the coast, and thinking that this was an invitation for them to 
come ashore, a party of the white men landed. The natives kept at a distance, 
but made signs that they wished the strangers to go farther inland with 
them. 

This was a ser' )us matter; and the leader was at first not inclined to per- 
mit any of them i-o go; but two of them persuaded him to give his permission 
•Jorthem to make the venture; and left, having strict orders not to be gone 
;nore than five days. 

Six days passed, while the men in the ships awaited the return of their 
comrades. Every day, some of the natives came down to the shore, but 
would hold no communication with the sailors. On the seventh day they 
landed, resolved to investigate the fate of their comrades. There were many 
women among the natives gathered on the beach, and they could see that the 
men were urging them to speak with the newcomers; but all their arguments 
and commands seemed to be in vain. The Europeans, thinking that perhaps 
the naked natives were afraid, determined to send one of their own men into 
their midst ; and a very courageous young man volunteered for the duty. In 
order to encourage the natives the Europeans entered the boats while this one 
of their number went forward to meet the women, who advanced toward 
him. When he drew near them, they formed themselves into a great circle 
about him, touching him and looking at him as with astonishment. While 
all this was going on, the watchers in the boats saw a woman coming down 
from the mountain, carrying a large club in her hand. When she arrived 
where the young man stood, she came up behind him; and raising the blud- 
geon, struck him such a blow that she laid him dead on the spot. Immedi- 
ately the other women seized upon his body, and dragged him by the feet 
away to the mountain. 

The men then ran down to the shore, and assailed the mariners with their 
bows and arrows. The boats had grounded; and in the confusion of the 
moment, the frightened white men did not know where to turn. Terror and 
panic subsided, however, after a few moments; and they discharged four 
guns at the savages. The noise frightened them ; although the aim was so 
uncertain that no one was hit; and they fled toward the mountain. 

They now had leisure to look toward the point where the women had 
dragged the body of their victim; and saw that they had cut him to pieces, 
r.nd were roasting him in sight of his comrades. As each bit of the horrid 
feast was ready, one of the hags would hold it high up, that the men in the 
boat might see, and then they would fall to and devour it. The Indian men 
made signs from a safe distance, that the same fate had befallen the other 
two, who had accompanied them into the interior. 

Their inhuman conduct enraged the whites, and more than forty of them, 
among whom was Americus, determined to rush on shore and avenge their 



216 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 



slaughtered comrades. But the expeditiou was under the coinmaiul of a Poi- 
tuguese official, whom Vespucius styles the Superior Captain ; and he forbade 
this course. Burning Avith indignation against the cannil)al slayers of then- 
companions, they were o])liged to forego the satisfaction of revenge, and 
sailed away from this part of the coast. 

When they had been ten months on the voyage, having found no minerals 
in the country, although there was an abundance of valuable woods of various 
kinds, they concluded to take their leave of this coast and try some other' 
part of the ocean. A council was held, composed of all whose skill as navi- 
gators might entitle them to express an opinion; and Vespucius was invested 
with full command of the fleet, to pursue whatever course appeared best to 
him. He ordered that all the vessels should be provided with wood and 
water for six months; and being thus provided, gave the signal to sail 
February 15. 







«*^ -■^-TSityaJ . 







TjISHox in thk Sixteenth Century. 

By April 8, they had sailed tifteen hundred miles from the port that they 
had left. On this day began a storm, M'hich was so violent that they were 
obliged to take in all their sails and run under bare poles. The storm was so 
furious that all Avere in great fear; nor did it abate before the seventh of the 
month. While driven by this storm, they came in sight of new land, and ran 
Avithin twenty leagues of it; finding the Avhole coast Avild, and seeing neither 
harbor nor inhabitants, Vespuciu^ ''butc'' he lack of population to the 



AMERICLS VESPUCIUS. 217 

extreme cold, which was so great that the Europeans could scarcely endure 
it. 

Finding themselves in great danger, and the storm so violent that they 
could hardly distinguish one ship from on board another, on account of the 
high seas that were running and the misty darkness of the weather, they agreed 
that signals should be made to turn the fleet about, and that they should leave 
the country, and steer for Portugal. 

They took the wind aft, and during that night and the next day the storm 
increased so much that they were very apprehensive for their safety, and 
made many vow^s of pilgrimage and the performance of other ceremonies 
usual with Catholic mariners under such circumstances. 

They did not intend to sail straight for Portugal, but first to touch at some 
African port. Winds and currents brought them to Sierra Leone, where they 
stayed fifteen days, obtaining supplies of food and other necessaries, before 
they steered for the Azores. They arrived at these islands the latter part of 
July, and remained another fortnight; when they left for Lisbon. One of 
their vessels had been burned as unseaworthy at Sierra Leone, so that it was 
only two ships which entered Portuguese waters September 7, 1502, after a 
voyage of about fifteen months. 

The adventurers were received with much joy in Lisbon; and Americus, 
especially, was singled out for distinction by the King. His ship had become 
unseaworthy, but it was broken up with much ceremony, and portions of it 
carried in solemn procession to a church, where they were suspended as sac- 
red relics. Nor were the rejoicings confined to Portugal. Florence received 
the accounts of the discoveries of her illustrious son with much pride, and 
honors w^ere bestowed upon those membersof his family who still lived in the 
city on the Arno. 

The reputation of Americus rested not only on the account which he had 
given of new countries, but upon his astronomical discoveries as well. He 
was confessedly far in advance of most other learned men of the age in the 
sciences of astronomy and geometry ; and although his calculations are undoubt- 
edly defective in many points, yet they agree more nearly with those of the 
present day than do those of any of his contemporaries. He was the discoverer 
of the method of obtaining longitude at sea, by observing the conjunction of 
the moon with one of the planets; his observation and enumeration of the 
stars in the southern heavens were of great value to mariners who came after 
him ; and thus his many sleepless nights were not without benefit to man- 
kind. 

Believing that Americus would have reached Indiabythe way of the south- 
west, had not his last voyage been interrupted by the severe storms which he 
had encountered, the King of Portugal lost no time in fitting out another ex- 
pedition. Six vessels were prepared, and Gonzalo Coelho appointed to the 




Shipwrecked. 



(218) 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 219 

chief command of the fleet. Americus was placed in command of one of the 
vessels, and was recognized as the scientific authority of the squadron. 

Their destination was the " Island Malaca," which was thought to be " the 
warehouse of all the ships which come from the Sea of Ganges and the Indian 
Ocean, as Cadiz is the storehouse for all the ships that pass from east to west 
and from west to east by the way of Calcutta." This island is described as 
being situated farther east and much farther south than Calcutta, being about 
the third degree of north latitude; it is impossible to determine, from the ac- 
counts given by Vespucius, whether the peninsula of this name was then sup- 
posed to be an island, or whether the name which is now applied to the main 
land was then given to the island of Sumatra; both answer the description, 
as to location, equally well. 

May 10, 1503, they set sail from Portugal ; making up their cargo at the Cape 
Verde Islands. But let Vespucius tell the storj' of the voyage, in the letter 
which he addressed after his return to his old school-fellow, Piero Soderini : — 

"Our Superior Captain was a presumptuous and very obstinate man. He 
would insist upon going to reconuoiter Sierra Leone, a southern country of 
Ethiopia, without there being any necessity for it, unless to exhibit himself as 
the captain of six vessels. He acted contrary to the wish of all our other 
captains in pursuing this course. Sailing in this direction, when we arrived 
off the coast of this country, we had such bad weather, that though we re- 
mained in sight of the coast four days, it did not permit us to attempt a land- 
ing. We were compelled at length to leave the country, sailing from there 
to the south, and bearing southwest. 

" When we had sailed three hundred leagues through the Great Sea, being 
then three degrees south of the equinoctial line, land was discovered, which 
might have been about twenty-two leagues distant from us, and which we 
found to be an island in the midst of the sea. We were filled with wonder at 
beholding it, considering it a natural curiosity, as it was very high, and not 
more than two leagues in length and one in width. This island was not in- 
habited by any people, and was an evil island for the whole fleet; because, as 
yourExcellency will learn, by the evil counsel and bad management of the 
Superior Captain, he lost his ship here. He ran her upon a rock, and she 
split open and went to the bottom, on the night of St. Lorenzo, which is the 
tenth of August, and nothing was saved from her except the crew. She was 
/ship of three hundred tons, and carried everything of most importance in 
ihe fleet. 

" As the whole fleet was compelled to labor for the common benefit, the 
Captain ordered me to go with my ship to the aforesaid island and look for a 
good harbor, where all the ships might anchor. As my boat, filled with nine 
of my mariners, was of service, and helped to keep up a communication be- 
tween the ships, he did not wish me to take it, telling me they would bring it 



220 AMERICUS VKSPUCIUS. 

to me at the island. So I left the fleet, as he ordered nie, without a boat, and 
with less than half my men, and went to the said island, about four leagues 
distant. There I found a good harbor, where all the ships might have an- 
chored in perfect safety. I waited for the captain and fleet full eight days, 
but they never came; so that we were- very much dissatisfied, and the people 
who remained with me in the ship were in great fear, so that I could not con- 
sole them. On the eighth da}' we saw a ship coming off at sea, and for fear 
those on board might not see us, we raised anchor and wenttoward it, think- 
ing they might bring me my boat and men. When we arrived alongside, af- 
ter the usual salutations, they told us that the Captain had gone to the bottom, 
that the crew had been saved, and that my boat and men remained with the 
fleet, which had gone further to sea. This was a very serious grievance to us, 
asj'our Excellency may well think. It was no trifle to find ourselves three 
hundred leagues distant from Lisbon, in mid-ocean, with so few men. 

" However, we bore up under adverse fortune, and returning to the island, 
supplied ourselves with wood and water with the boat of my consort. * * * 
Having taken in our supplies, we departed for the southwest, as Ave had an 
order from the King, that if any vessel of the fleet, or its captain, should be 
lost, I should make for the land of my last voyage. We discovered a harbor 
whichwecalledtheBay of All Saints [it still retains the name], and it pleased 
God to give us such good weather that in seventeen days we arrived at it. It 
was distant three hundred leagues from the island we had left, and we found 
neither our captain nor any other ship of the fleet in thecourseof the voyage. 
We waited full two months and four days in this harbor, and seeing that no 
orders came for us, we agreed, my consort and myself, to run along the 
coast. 

" We sailed two hundred and sixty leagues further, and arrived at a harbor 
where we determined to build a fortress. This we accomplished, and left in 
it the twenty-four men that my consort had received from the captain's ship 
that was lost. 

" In this port we stayed five months, building the fort and loading our ships 
with dye-wood. We could not proceed farther for lack of men, and besides, 
I was destitute of many equipments. Thus, having finished our labors, we 
determined to return to Portugal, leaving the twenty-four men in the for- 
tress, with provisions for six months, with twelve pieces of cannon, and many 
other arms. We made peace wnth all the people of the country, who have not 
been mentioned in this voyage, but not because we did not see and treat with 
a great number of them. As many as thirty men of us went forty leagues 
inland. * * * All this being performed, we bade farewell to the Chris- 
tians we left behind us, and to the country, and commenced our navigation 
on a north-north-east course, with the intention of sailing directly to the city 
of Lisbon. In seventy-seven days, after many toils and dangers, we entered 



AMEKICUS VESPUCIUS. 221 

this port on the eighteenth day of June, 1504, for which God be praised. We 
were well received, although altogether unexpected; as the whole city had 
given us up for lost. All the other ships of the fleet had been lost through 
the pride and folly of our commander, and thus it is that God rewards haugh- 
tiness and vanity." 

Thus ended the last voyage of Americus Vespucius. Wishing for repose, and 
IDcrhaps disheartened by the unfortunate result of this cruise, he abandoned 
the idea of again going to sea, and devoted himself to writing the account of 
what he had already accomplished. This was to be the end of his active ser-, 
vice, he thought at the time; although he was younger by four years than 
Columbus had been when the great Admiral set sail on his first voyage to the 
unknown west. 

He remained in Portugal but a few months after the return of his ship; 
perhaps he was not received with such distinction as when he had brought 
home glowing accounts of new lands; perhaps the King regretted the 
loss of his four mighty ships, and thought that the disasters might have been 
averted, had these survivors acted differently; perhaps he was only desirous 
of visiting again that country where he had lived for some years, and which 
was the home of his wife's family. Whatever may have been the cause, we 
find him in Seville again in the latter part of 1504; and in February, 1505, 
acting as messenger for Columbus, who was prostrated by illness at Seville 
and desirous of laying his case before the sovereigns at Segovia. 

The death of Isabella had taken place about the time that Americus re- 
turned to Spain. This was the greatest calamity which could have befallen 
Columbus; but historians suppose that it was of great advantage to Vespu- 
cius. The Italian biographers of the great astronomer and cosmographer 
suppose that he was more of a favorite with the King than with the Queen; 
and one Spanish historian inclines to the opinion that King Ferdinand sent 
for him, that he might be informed of the plans and projects of the Por- 
tuguese government, both in regard to their expeditions to the shores of the 
New World, and the progress which they were making in their voyages and es- 
tablishments in the East Indies. 

His sudden departure from Spain and entering into the service of a rival 
nation was not noticed; or at least was not made the pretext for any coldness 
on the part of the King; for Ferdinand wished to use him. On April 11, 
1505, a royal grant of twelve thousand maravedis was made him ; and on the 
24th of the same month, letters of naturalization on his behalf were issued, 
in consideration of his fidelity and his many services to the Crown. 

Preparations were at once begun for a new expedition, of which Vespucius 
and Vicente Nanez Pinzon were to be the commanders. Vespucius had by 
this time reconsidered his determination of remaining on shore and writing 
the accounts of his former voyages; the old spirit of adventure and discovery 



22^ AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

was again aroused in him; and he busied himself at Palos, consulting with his 
colleague and making every possible preparation for the voyage. 

But since he was under royal patronage, and the ships were provided and 
equipped out of the royal treasury, he was dependent, to a considerable ex- 
tent, upon official activity; and the state of the country at that time made 
the officials very anxious to act as little as possible, lest they might offend one 
of their two masters. 

The late Queen had willed her dominions to her daughter Juana and her 
husband Philip. Should Juana be absent or incapacitated — for she was sub- 
ject to fits of insanity — King F'erdinand was to act as regent for the little 
prince, Charles, the son of Juana, who afterward became the great Emperor, 
Charles V. 

Ferdinand was so unpopular in Castile that, as soon as Philip and Juana 
arrived from Flanders, where they had been at the death of the Queen, he 
was obliged to resign his authority to them, and retire to his own kingdom of 
Arragon. An entire change took place in nearly all the departments of the 
government; and those officers who remained in their old positions found it 
very difficult to do anything which would not displease either King Ferdinand 
or King Philip, or perhaps both. 

Such was the position in which the officers who had charge of the prepara- 
tions for this expedition were placed. Their perplexities were suddenly ended 
by the death of Philip, barely two months after the arrival of the royal couple 
in Spain. Castile now seemed likely to suffer as much from the lack of rulers 
as she had lately suffered from having too many; for the Queen was insane, 
and her father. King Ferdinand, w^as in Naples, attending to the affairs of 
that kingdom. The country was on the verge of anarchy; and, naturally 
enough, the officials declined to take active steps to prepare for this expe- 
dition. 

King Ferdinand returned, and sent for Vespucius and Juan de la Cosa, an 
experienced navigator of high repute, to come to court. They were soon 
engaged in consultation with the King and his ministers regarding the nauti- 
cal affairs of the kingdom. The vessels which had been prepared for the 
voyage of discovery had been dispatched on other errands before the King's 
return; and the idea of the expedition seems to have been given up. The 
work which had been assigned to the two navigators above mentioned was of 
ja different sort; Cosa was to take command of two caravels, which were to 
(be fitted out and armed as convoys to vessels coming and going between Spain 
and the settlement in Hispaniola; for Ferdinand was afraid of the neighbor- 
ing country of Portugal, and anticipated some effort to interfere wnth his 
commerce. Americus was charged with the provisioning and support of 
these vessels, andPinzon wasto attend to providing arms and military stores. 

Shortly after this arrangement was made, Vespucius was formally appoint- 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 223 

ed to the position of Chief Pilot, with a salary of seventy-five thousand mar- 
avedis a year, or about seven hundred dollars of United States money, ac- 
cording to present values. This high and responsible post, with many duties 
attached, was held by Americus for the rest of his life, and shows clearly 
how highly he was esteemed by the cold and wary Ferdinand. 

This office did not require his unremitting attention, however; for shortly 
after his appointment he visited his native city. It was during this voyage 
thatBronzino painted the portrait from which all engravings are copied. 

When he returned to Spain we have no record; but in all probability the 
visit to Florence was a comparatively short one. The next four years are 
filled up with his official duties, as showed by the entries in the Spanish 
archives; but of the life of the man during these years we know nothing — 
only the acts of the official. Whether the flame of life sank gradually, for 
lack of fuel, or was quenched suddenly, as by a flood of water, we know not; 
all that is told us is found in the warrant appointing his successor; and this 
states that Amerigo Vespucci had died February 22, 1512. 

His wife survived him for many years. They had no children, but Ameri- 
cus had long cared for one of his nephews as for a child of his own. From 
this nephew are descended the present representatives of the great explorer; 
for the Vespucci, though reduced from their former wealth to poverty, still 
live in Florence. 

The astronomical discoveries of Vespucius would never have made his name 
known except to scientists and seamen, and his explorations of the coast of 
the western continent would excite comparatively little interest, were it not 
for the fact that his name has become iudissolubly connected with the New 
World; for, valuable as was the information which he brought home, he was 
but one of the many who visited the continent discovered at the close of the 
fifteenth century; and the astronomical achievements were of far more 
moment than the geographical knowledge obtained. But from him the vast 
New World derived its name. 

It is often said that Vespucius robbed Columbus of his honors, and that the 
New World should have been called Columbia. Had the discoverer thought 
so, it would have been easy enough for him to have bestowed his own name 
upon the island which he called Hispaniola, or upon that larger island which 
he always thought was a portion of the continent, and which has retained its 
native name, Cuba. Columbus himself appears to have felt no jealousy of 
Vespucius, on this or any other account; but they were good friends after 
the voyagings of both had been completed. 

Americus, then, did not offensively claim the honor of having discovered 
this country; nor was he, in all probability, the first to give his name to it. 
It was a custom then, and has been the custom ever since, to call newly dis- 
covered bodies of land or water after the actual discoverer, or those who 



224 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 

made his journey possible, or the land from which he came. To illustrate by 
the continent which we know best, the map of North America, from Hudson's 
Bay to Cape Robert Lincoln, is dotted with names so given. 

There seems to have been no effort to give a collective name to the New 
World for many years after its discovery; indeed, it was so long supposed to 
be a part of Asia that it was unnecessary. A Latin book on cosmography, 
however, printed at Strasburg in 1509, the work of an Italian named Ilaco- 
milo, suggests that as this country was discovered b}' Americus, it should be 
called America. 

Vespucius has been accused of trying to show that he discovered the uuiin 
land before Columbus saw it; and, for this purpose, fabricating the account 
of the first voyage out of what he learned on the second. That is, he took 
but three voyages, the first setting out in 1499; and after this was over, he 
proceeded to write the account of four, pretending that he sailed first in 1497, 
and again in 1499. The points of similarity between the two give some color 
to this theory; but we cannot understand how, if this had been the case, he 
should still have been regarded as a friend by Columbus, who cared but little 
for the material advancement W'hich he had gained, but was only solicitous 
for the honor and the glory which were justly his. If Vespucius had thus 
falsified the history of his life, with a view to depriving Columbus of 'some 
honor, the Admiral must have heard of it; and would not have employed him 
as a messenger in his suit, or have spoken of him with respect and affection. 

The name America, in accordance with the custom which still obtains 
among geographers, was first applied, naturally enough, to the coast which 
Americus explored and described. But a portion of this coast was the source 
from which valuable dye-woods were derived, especially a kind which was 
called brazil, from the Portuguese word brqza, meaning a live coal, or glow- 
ing fire; and the names America and Brazil were both used to denote the 
same coast. After a while, the second of these names was confined to a cer- 
tain part of the coast, where the wood was actually obtained; while the other 
name was applied to the part north and that south of it. From this, it was 
but a short step to speaking of all that great southern peninsula as America; 
and gradually the name came to be applied to the whole western continent. 

Not in the life-time of the great Vespucius, however, was it so used. As 
late as 1550, North America was called Terra Florida on the Spanish maps, 
while America and Brazil were two names given to the same coast. A writer 
in the N^orth American Rtvieio, more than seventy years ago, thus comments 
upon the changes which the application of the name has undergone : — 

"The fortune of the name of America itself is not a little singular, as an 
instance of the mutations of human affairs; which, having been first given to 
a single province, next spread over the whole southern continent, then jiassed 
on to the modern, and now, from being the appellation of the whole New 



AMERICUS VESPUCIUS. 225 

World, it seems about to be confined, by foreign nations at least, to our own 
youthful and aspiring republic." 

Americus Vespucius sleeps in an unknown grave; but his epitaph is the 
name of a double continent. It is worthy of note that both the man who 
first discovered America by landing upon one of its outlying islands, and the 
one who later had the honor to be the earliest white man to tread the main- 
land of South America, were alike noble in character and aims. 

15 







226 



CHAPTER VII. 
SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 

John Cabot — Settles in England — His Sons — Residence in Venice — Return to England — 
The Cabot Boys' Interest in Columbus — Henry VH — John Cabot Goes to Court — A Patent 
Granted — Expedition Sails from England — Touches at Iceland — Nova Scotia Discovered — The 
Sailors Insist on Returning — A Second Venture — Death of John Cabot — A Colony Proposed — 
Mutinous Sailors — Exploration — A King's Injustice — In Spain — Henry VIII.— Sebastian 
Cabot Summoned to England — To Spain Again — Grand Pilot — A Disappointment — Return to 
England — Voyage to America— Rebellious Followers — Summoned to Spain Again — Importance 
of the Moluccas — An Expedition Thither — Sealed Orders — Fault-Finding — Swift Retribution 
— La Plata — A Fort Built — Ascending the River — A Bloody Battle — Tracked Across the 
Ocean — A Polite Refusal — Pursued up the River — Cabot Defends Himself — Explorations — 
Innocent and Guilty Confused — The Fort Stormed — Return to Spain — Cabot's Reputation — 
Return to England — Grand Pilot of England — Variation of the Needle Explained by Cabot — 
Proposed Expedition to the Northeast — The Stilyard — Sir Hugh Willoughby — Chancellor's 
Success — Willoughby's Death — Cabofs Commercial Importance — Accession and Marriage of 
Queen Mary — Cabot Resigns His Pension— A Lively Old Man — Pension Renewed — Worthing- 
ton's Unfaithfulness — Death of Cabot. 



(bT'HE 



HE contlict known in English History as the Wars of the Roses lasted, 

^j with considerable intermissions, for thirty years, or from 1455 to 
1485. During one of these intermissions, probably early in the reign 
of Edward IV, who came to the throne in 1641, a Venetian navigator, 
named John Cabot, settled at Bristol, England. It is probable that he was 
attracted to that country by the reports of the extravagance and luxury of 
the King; for the Venetians of that time were thrifty merchants. 

At Bristol, in the year 1476 or 1477, a son was born to this foreign mer- 
chant, to whom the name of Sebastian was given. He was the second son, 
his elder brother being named Lewis ; and another child, also a boy, was 
born to John Cabot and his wife, who was called Santius. 

This removal did not interfere with the education of the three boys; for 
they received their instruction mainly from their father, who possessed con- 
siderable skill in mathematics. As soon as they were old enough, they re- 
ceived a thorough training in arithmetic, geography, and cosmography — 
the three branches of knowledge most essential to a seaman ; and they ac- 
quired, while still very young, a considerable skill in practical navigation. 

This residence in Venice gave rise to the belief that Sebastian Cabot was a 
Venetian by birth, as his father undoubtedly was; but when he had acquired 
a sufficient degree of celebrity to make such particulars interesting, he was 

(227) 



228 SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVEREK OF NORTH AMERICA. 

asked about it; and the answer is thus recorded by one of the earliest histor- 
ians of America, Richard Eden : — 

*' Sebastian Cabote tould me that he was borne in Bristo we, and that at f oure 
yeare ould he was carried with his father to Venice, and so returned agayne 
into England with his father, after certain yeares, whereby he was thought 
to have been borne in Venice." 

While he was still a boy, his return to England took place; but we have no 
record of the year. He was certainly in England when Columbus returned 
from his first voyage, and set all Europe afire with interest in his discoveries. 
At that time the Wars of the Roses had ended; the King recognized by one 
faction was on the throne, and his wife was the heiress of the rival line. 
Eighty princes of the blood had fallen in battle during this dreadful w^ar, and 
a proportionate number of nobles; so that there were but few to resist the rule 
of Henry VH., had they been so inclined. This prudent ruler had declined 
to engage in any wars with his neighbors, probably feeling that the country 
had had enough of that kind of thing; and he was anxious to extend his do- 
minions, and increase his revenue, by any other means which might present 
themselves. 

To the people of England, who were as sick of war as their King, but who, 
like him, were anxious to " hear some new thing," the tidings of the success 
of Columbus brought great excitement. Particularly, we may suppose, were 
the three Cabot boys interested. Columbus was, like theirfather, a seaman; 
like their father, an Italian; and if he had only succeeded in making his ap- 
peal, by his brother Bartholomew, to the court of England before his offers 
were accepted by the sovereigns of Spain, who knows but what their father 
might have been captain of one of his vessels? Who knows but what he 
might have taken his three sons, skilled sailors as the boys were, with him? 

Such were the thoughts that doubtless kindled the enthusiasm of the young 
Cabots, and such questions they doubtless asked each other, as they talked 
over the most astonishing news of the year. Of the year, we say ; for there 
were no nine days' wonders then; a piece of news was worn threadbare by 
discussion in all possible lights and circumstances, before another came to 
replace it. 

Nor was John Cabot less enthusiastic than his sons; but his thoughts turned 
rather to what might be than to what might have been. AVhere one daring 
Italian had ventured, another might go; and a western route to the Indies 
from England might be found as readily as the same thing from Spain. 
Doubtless, this native of the City of the Sea loved the salt water; for he tells 
us: "By this fame and report, there increased in my heart a great flame of 
desire to attempt some notable thing;" and he seems to have turned natu- 
rally to the ocean as the avenue to success. 

Henry VII., learned that Columbus had once had an idea of applying to him 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 229 

for patronage, had endeavored to secure his services after his success had 
been demonstrated. But Columbus was faithful to the spirit of the contract 
which he had made with Ferdinand and Isabella; he had accepted their aid, 
he had been loaded with honors by them, and he would enter into the service 
of no other prince. But Henry VII., who loved money very well, desired to 
have a share in the riches of the Indies, and was not content to give it up in 
this way. He looked about for another navigator less eminent, but still ca^sa- 
ble of conducting such an enterprise. While he was searching for such a 
man, he learned that a certain merchant of Bristol was an enthusiast on the 
subject of the Columbian discoveries. This was John Cabot, who was ex- 
ceedingly anxious to follow the example of the great' discoverer, and find a 
northwest passage to India. The King sent for him; he found that, like Co- 
lumbus, he wasnotwillingto embark in such an enterprise without being under 
the special patronage of some government, as the results would be so great 
that no private individual could successfully manage the affairs without ex- 
citing jealousy of governments. Unlike Columbus, Cabot was amply supplied 
with this world's goods, and was well able, if the patronage of the King could 
be secured, to fit out his own armament. This suited the King exactly; for 
while he lost no opportunity of getting money, and even went to the verge of 
tyranny by reviving forgotten laws regarding the collection of taxes, he hated 
to pay any of it out, especially for an uncertainty, such as this enterprise 
must be. 

March 5, 1496, a patent was granted to John Cabot and his three sons, 
Lewis, Sebastian, and Santius, authorizing them, their heirs, or deputies, 
" to sail to all parts, countries, and seas of the East, of the "West, and of the 
North, under our banners and ensigns, with five ships, of what burden or 
quantity soever they be, and as many mariners or men as they will have with 
them in the said ships, upon their own proper costs or charges, to seek out, 
discover, and find whatsoever isles, countries, regions, or provinces of the 
heathen and infidels, whatsoever they may be, and in what part of the world 
soever they be, which before this time have been unknown to all Christians." 

Under this charter, Cabot was empowered to set up the royal banner, and 
take possession of the territories discovered by them, as the King's vassals. 
They were required, on their return, to land at Bristol, no other port being 
permitted to them; and while they were to have the exclusive right to resort 
to the lands discovered, and trade there, the Crown was to receive a fifth 
part of the proceeds of such commerce. 

But John Cabot was not the principal person concerned in this charter. 
Late researches have made it appear that he was only chosen as the one whose 
name came first in the grant, because he was a well-known and responsible 
man. He was anxious that a shorter route to the Indies should ])e discovered, 
for ho was a merchant, and much of his business was connected with the In- 



230 SEBASTIAN CAKOT, TTIK DISCOVERER OV NOKTIl AMERICA. 

dian trade; but as far as discovery was concerned, he cared far less than his 
second son; and he naturally felt little or no interest in extending the domin- 
ions of the King of England; for although he had lived there so many years, 
he is described in the charter as a " citizen of Venice." 




Sebastian Cabot. 

Sebastian Cabot was at this time but twenty or twenty-one ; but it was at 
his instance that his father had gone to court and accepted the proposition 
of the King. He it was who was most, of all the family, enflamed with the 
desire of discovery; and he is the one who is justly dignified with the title of 
Discoverer of North America. 

The world moved more slowly in the fifteenth century than it does in the 
last years of the nineteenth; and it was thought a wonderfully expeditious 
piece of work, when the five ships were ready to sail about a year after the 
patent had been granted. In the spring of 1497 they sailed from Bristol, 
their first landing-place intended being on the coast of Iceland. 

A flourishing trade had already been established between Bristol and Ice- 
land, so that this part of the voyage was through well-known waters. In 
this Cabot had much the advantage of Columbus; for although the Azores 



SEBASTIAX CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 231 

lay farther west than Iceland, these islands were regarded by the navigators 
of Southern Europe as the extreme western land ; while the daring Scandi- 
navian sailors who had settled in Iceland knew of settlements which men of 
their race had established in Greenland, five hundred years before ; and with 
these two stepping-stones, Iceland and Greenland, the Atlantic does not seem 
such a boundless extent of water. 

It was supposed by Cabot that the land discovered by Columbus was — as 
indeed he and all other persons believed — islands fringing the coast of Asia. 
They thought that whatever land there might be to the south, there must be 
an open channel to the south of Greenland, by which the coast of Asia could 
be reached; and this M'as the passage which they sought. 

Sometime was spent in Iceland before they steered to the southwest; they 
were not intending to visit Greenland, for terrible pestilences had swept over 
that cold and barren land and carried off all but a few miserable remnants of 
the inhabitants, who had been glad to escape to a milder country. 

Through the long summer days they sailed across the ocean, not meeting 
with any adventure worthy of note; for the sea was as calm as the most timid 
sailor could Avish. At five o'clock on the morning of June 24, the sailors 
were startled by the cry of " Land! " They had not expected it so soon; for, 
according to Cabot's calculations, they were still at a considerable distance 
from the coast of Asia, and did not suppose that there were any islands so 
far north. At first, he supposed it only a small island, and sought to ascer- 
tain its extent by coasting around it. 

As he approached it, he found himself in a passage between two bodies of 
land, both of which were evidently of considerable extent. One of these he 
named Terra Primum Visa, "Land First Seen;" the other, an island of 
smaller extent — for he still clung to the belief that the first was an island — 
he named after St. John, because it was on the feast of that saint that it had 
been discovered. 

His efforts to circumnavigate this supposed island proved unsuccessful ; for 
it was nothing more or less than a portion of the American Continent, the 
peninsula now known as Nova Scotia. The island Avhich he called St. John's 
was that now named Prince Edward's. He thus writes of his disappoint- 
ment: *' After certaynedayes, I found that the land ranne towards the north, 
which was to mee a greate displeasure." Such were the feelings of the man 
who first discovered North America, when he found that it was not a small 
island at which he had touched. 

Cabot's followers were full of wonder at the result which had been attained, 
and were all for chasing the white bears and the great stags, greater than 
those of England, with which the country seemed to abound; but the navi- 
gator, young as he was, was too determined and persistent in his disposition 
to be thus allured from what he had undertaken. He steadily followed the 



."^T^.r — "~"'vS8^^->'*^'^"^' 



'~W'r^ 




Cai;oi Ai' Lakkadou 



(232) 



SI:BAST1AN CABOT, THK discoverer of KOKTir AMERICA. 233 

coast northward, hoping to find that passage of which he was in search. How 
far he went, is uncertain ; in the map which he published nearly fifty years 
afterward, there is nothing hiid down above the sixtieth parallel; but it is 
possible that he reached a point three or four degrees north of this. 

Some of Cabot's biographers have supposed that he entered Hudson's 
Bay; but of this there is no certain proof. It is true that he came to a point 
where the direction of the coast, for some distance, was generally westward, 
and that he sailed with much exultation into the extensive sheet of water, 
which he believed to be the ocean that skirted the newly discovered continent 
on the north, and the passage to India which he wished to find. Ungava Bay 
would answer the description given, and would fall within the limits of the 
map drawn by him so many years afterward. 

The early navigator was at the mercy of his sailors; when they chose to 
assert themselves, what leader could hold out against them? Columbus did 
so, but probably only for a few days after they were really determined to take 
things in their own hands; but Columbus was a mariner of tried ability; and 
had demonstrated to his crews that he was skilled above all the pilots on 
board. Sebastian Cabot was but a youth ; and his father, to whose experi- 
ence more deference might have been paid, had he been actually in command, 
seems to have gone with his son only to give occasional advice, and to super- 
intend any arrangements that might have to be made about trading with the 
countries of the East, when they should be reached. 

The sailors were tired of the long voyage; they were fearful that new and 
unsurmountable dangers awaited them if they went farther; they knew that 
their provisions were nearly exhausted, and they saw no prospect of obtaining 
anymore on these cold and inhospitable shores; they urged an immediate 
return. Cabot had lost no enthusiasm, and was as eager in his desire to press 
forward as when he left Bristol; but the sailors had lost confidence, and in- 
sisted on returning. He argued, coaxed, and commanded; but with the same 
result. He was compelled to put his ships about, return to the point where 
they had first seen land, and, nearly in the track by w hich they had come, 
make his way to Bristol again. 

Cabot's discovery was not received with anything like the warmth which 
its importance warranted. Almost the only indication which we have of the 
time of his return is found in an entry in the Privy Purse expenditures of 
King Henry VII.: " 10th August, 1497. To him that found the New Isle, 
£10." Thus the discoverer of North America and the author of " Paradise 
Lost" were rewarded by exactly the same amount of money for that which 
rendered them famous. 

But Cabot was not content to rest upon his laurels ; perhaps they were as 
yet too few to afford a soft bed. Perhaps, too, his expenditures in the first 
voyage had been such that he was anxious to get some return for them ; and 



'2'M SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVEKER OF NORTH AMEKICA. 

this could only be done by a trading venture with the inhabitants of the New 
Isle, as we have seen that it was then called. Accordingly, he applied for per- 
mission to undertake another voyage; and a second patent was issued, in his 
father's name as before. This patent, w^hich was dated Feb. 3, 1498, allowed 
the Cabot's " six English shippes, so that and if the said shippes be of the 
bourdeyn of two hundred tonnes or under, with their appareil requisite and 
necessarie for the safe conduct of the said shippes." The Cabots were au- 
thorized to "them convey and lede to the lande and isles of late found by 
the said John in oure name and by oure commandment." The use of the 
expression " land and isles " shows that the King was fully aware that the 
continent had been discovered ; so that we cannot excuse the meagerness of 
Sebastian Cabot's reward by supposing the thrifty Tudor to be ignorant of the 
extent of his services. 




Cahot's Reti'rn to England. 

Yet the King, in the fitting out of this second expedition, showed himself 
more liberal than he had been on the previous occasion. He could well 
afford to venture something now, for the results were, to some degree, 
assured; land w^as known to exist at a certain distance, reached without great 
difficulty or danger, by English ships; and returns of some sort might be 
confidently expected. 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 235 

What the King really contributed to fitting out this expedition, does 
not appear; probably one, or at the most, two ships, and a considerable 
amount of money. *' Divers merchants of London also adventured small 
stocks," reasonably assured that some gain might be expected; and some 
mercantile adventurers exerted themselves to freight several small vessels, 
which were to accompany the fleet under the command of the Cabots. 

Before this was ready to sail, however, John Cabot died. It shows that he 
,was but the figurehead, when we learn that preparations were in no way in- 
terrupted or delayed by his death; but that his son Sebastian stepped calmly 
to the front, and became the acknowledged, as he had always been the actual, 
head of the expedition. 

Had we such a record of the voyages of Cabot as we have of those made 
by Vespucius, the discoverer of South America, the story would doubtless be 
full of interest. But Cabot lacked that enterprise which led Vespucius to 
put himself forward as the learned cosmographer who, by voyages to un- 
known lands, had vastly advanced the knowledge of the world; the Floren- 
tine wrote descriptions of his voyages and the strange countries which he 
reached, and addressed copies of these so-called letters to all the prominent 
men whom he thought likely to be interested; the Venetian merchant's son 
sharing something of the cold pride of the island people among whom he 
was born, entrusted to the keeping of a few hastily written pages the results 
of his adventures; these were left by him at his death, nearly ready for pub- 
lication; but by some carelessness they were lost. 

It is only the bare outlines, then, of his adventures upon this voyage which 
can be given. Besides the hands required to man the vessels, he took with 
him three hundred men, with a view of establishing a colony on the coast 
which he had discovered. It will be remembered that his knowledge of the 
coast between Nova Scotia and the entrance of Hudson's Strait was acquired in 
a very few weeks beginning with the 24th of June ; probably not more than 
two or three weeks. At this season of the year there would be few indica- 
tions of the severity of the winter, and knowing that this territory corre- 
sponded, in distance from the equator, with that part of Europe which is in- 
cluded between the parallels just north of Spain and of Scotlnad, he would 
not expect any great difiiculties from the climate. He landed his three hun- 
dred colonists on the coast of Labrador, and having instructed them to ex- 
plore the country so as to find the best possible location for a colony, he 
sailed on in search of the Northwest Passage. ' 

He followed the coast as far as sixty-seven and one-half degrees north, 
probably passing into Hudson's Bay; although this, as in the first voyage, is 
by no means certain. He might have crossed, from island to island, at the 
inner end of the strait; having no idea of the vast inland sea on the verge of 
which he was sailing. It is not reasonable to suppose that, had he actually 



23(5 SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 

reached the bay, he would have returned without thorough investigation-, 
since the great extent of this body of water would naturally lead him to sup- 
pose that he had found an open sea north of the continent. 

Meanwhile, the proposed colony on the coast of Labrador was not pro- 
gressing. Although it was the midst of summer, and " the dayes were very 
longe, and in manner without nyght," the settlers found it too cold for com- 
fort; they had no shelter but their tents, and only the provisions which had 
been left them from the ship's stores. The}' missed the comforts of civilized 
life — such as Englishmen of the latter part of the fifteenth century knew 
anything about — and longed only to return to their own country. They were 
very far from being such stuff as heroes are made of. 

They made a few spasmodic efforts to explore the country, as the young 
commander had directed; but nothing of any consequence in this way was 
achieved. The number was lessened by daih' deaths; so that when Cabot re- 
turned, disappointed at not having found any open passage to the west, he 
received new set-backs to his enthusiasm from the colonists. They had taken 
no steps to form a settlement, and they boldly told him that they did not in- 
tend to remain any longer on that coast. 

This being the case, Cabot had no discretion but to take them all on board 
again. But he was not ready to return to England. He decided that as long 
as nothing could be accomplished by sailing to the northward, he would try 
the other end of the coast; and put his ships to explore south of where he 
had landed. 

He explored the coast as far south as the thirty-eighth parallel ; and then 
set sail for England. What had he accomplished? No passage had been 
found, for his sailors had compelled him to turn back when they reached the 
Arctic Circle; no colony had been established, for those who had undertaken 
to found the settlement had refused to remain. The one thing which gives 
distinction to this voyage is the fact that, during its course, Cabot explored 
the eastern coast of North America for one thousand eight hundred miles, 
measured as the crow flies. 

But this achievement, then unparalleled, did not satisfy the King. Good 
money had been paid out of the royal purse, to assist in fitting out this ex- 
pedition; and nothing had been brought back. There was not even a settle- 
ment established, as a promise of future trade. Could this be reckoned as 
service to the Crown? Did a man who did no more than spend the King's 
money expect to be received with honors? Certainly not. Besides, the sec- 
ond patent had not been worded like the first. The first, as we have above 
quoted it, named John Cabot, his three sons, and their heirs or deputies, to 
enter on this work of discovery; the second had named simply eTohn Cabot 
and his deputies. Clearly, reasoned the King and those who wished to stand 
well with him, since John Cabot had died before the expedition set out, Se- 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 237 

bastian had undertaken more than he was entitled to attempt, when he took 
command in his father's place, withoutbeing formally appointed by the King. 

Of such a quibble the King of England availed himself, to avoid rewarding 
Cabot for what he had done, and to rescind the privileges of the first patent, 
in which the names of John Cabot's three sons appeared with that of the 
father. This was a more flagrant injustice than any with which Columbus 
ever met; for Ferdinand of Arragon, while he might intend to cheat the dis- 
coverer of his rewards, never openly acknowledged such an intention ; he 
contented himself with putting oif the Admiral's claims from time to time, 
always promising justice for the future; Henry VII., less deceitful, but fully 
as unjust, bluntly refused to reward Cabot for his discoveries. 

Yet in 1499 we find him again asking royal assistance in fitting out a fleet. 
Perhaps he could not realize the depth of meanness of which the King could 
be capable. He met, however, with " noe great or favourable entertain- 
ment," and is supposed to have fitted out the vessels from his own means, 
lessened as they were by the expenses of the previous expeditions. 

On this voyage, we are told, he made great discoveries; but what they were 
worthy Master Eden does not think it worth while to say; perhaps he was 
not altogether sure himself, but put in one general assertion what was usually 
believed. Beyond this mention of a third voyage, we know nothing more of 
him until 1512, 

We then find him at Seville, in the employment of the Spanish Govern- 
ment. What position he occupied is uncertain; he was probably high in the 
naval service, under the general direction of Vespucius, who, however, was 
drawing near the close of his life. The abilities of Cabot were not recognized 
by the Spanish monarch until there seemed danger of his enriching some other 
country with the results of his daring and his labors. 

Henry VII., had died in 1509, leaving a treasure of two millions sterling to 
his son and successor, Henry VIII., a boy of eighteen. This sum, which is 
now far exceeded by the fortune of several railway magnates of the United 
States, was then regarded as an unparalleled amount of money; and to the 
young King it seemed inexhaustible. For a time he seemed bent on no 
discovery but one; he desired to find if his father's long purse had any bot- 
tom. Gradually, however, as the various excitements palled upon him, he 
began to awaken to the fact that other nations had pushed their geographical 
discoveries and were reaping the reward in added territory and prospects of 
greatly increased revenues; while England had suffered these rewards of en- 
terprise, fairly earned by a navigator in her employ, to slip through her 
fingers. Cabot once more became a person of importance; perhaps of more 
importance than he had ever been thought before; and a messenger was dis- 
patched to Spain to summon him to England, with a view to sending him on 
some new voyage of exploration and discovery. 



23y SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 

But, by the time that Cabot arrived in his native country, the King was 
busily engaged with some other project ; and the discussion of the expk)ration 
of the New World w^as postponed to suit his Majesty's convenience. Mean- 
time Ferdinand had discovered that Cabot was a man of much ability; he was 
assisted to that conclusion by the danger of Cabot's taking service under 
Henry and adding glory to the English Crown which might just as well be- 
long to the Spanish sovereign. He accordingly wrote to Lord Willoughby, 
Captain-General of England, requesting him to send Cabot back to Spain; 
and, as Henry VHI. Avas not yet ready to use his services, this was done. The 
discoverer returned to Spain, arriving there September 13, 1512. 

This was shortly after the death of Vespucius; and King Ferdinand gave 
Cabot nearly the same position. He was given a liberal allowance, and for a 
time at least his position seems to have been a sinecure, for no duties were 
assigned to him. In 1515, however, he was engaged in making, under royal 
patronage, a general revision of nuips and charts — a work requiring much 
skill and accurate knowledge. His assistants included the best cosmogra- 
pliers of the age. 

The same year he was chosen a member of the Council for the Indies — an 
unusually high honor for a foreigner not yet forty years of age. But this 
was not all ; Ferdinand seemed to delight in heai)ing honors upon the man 
whose services had been disregarded by England; and, having determined on 
an expedition to sail the next year in search of the Indian Passage — for it 
was fully known by this time that Columbus had not discovered the eastern 
coast of Asia — he placed Cabot at the head of it. 

Preparations went rapidly forward, and at the beginning of the year 1516 
Cabot's lucky star seemed to be in the ascendant. In the very prime of life 
and strength, the favorite of a great monarch whose chief ambition was one 
that a man of Cabot's abilities and training could advance better than any 
one else could, taken from a post of groat honor to be placed in one that 
satislied evciy dream of his boyhood and manhood, wdiat more could any one 
hope for, or wish for? It was literally too good to be true; for before the 
end of January, Ferdinand died^ and, with him, the expedition for seeking 
the Northwest Passage to China. 

His successor was the Emperor Charles V., who was then in Brussels; and 
it was sometime before the new King came to Spain. In the meantime all 
was confusion there, every one seeking to do what he imagined would best 
recommend him to the favor of the young sovereign; for Charles was but 
sixteen years old. The Spaniards, by means of one of his ministers, could 
get some access to him, and many of them employed this opportunity in black- 
ening the characters and talking against the projects of their enemies. Cabot 
was one of those who Avere thus intrigued against. The favorite of a mon- 
arch is always an object of jealousy; and it would seem that Cabot had 



S1:BA8TIAX CAI50T, THE DISCOVERER OF KORTIL AMERICA. 239 

suddenly been raised to this much envied, but really unenviable, position, 
from one of comparative obscurity. Added to this was all the national 
hatred of a foreigner. The Spaniards who endeavored to influence Charles 
V. against Cabot called him a foreign impostor, denied that his early voyages 
had accomplished anything, and even insinuated that he had not really 
reached land, as he claimed. All this was not without effect upon the boy- 
ruler; and Cabot, who seems to have foreseen this state of affairs, returned 
to England almost as soon as Charles reached Spain. 

He was well received here, for Henry saw the mistake that he had made in 
allowing him to depart; fortunately for England, the death of Ferdinand had 
prevented Cabot from accomplishing any great service to Spain, and had sent 
him back ready to serve his native country. The explorer at once set about 
preparing a number of vessels for a new voyage, being determined to under- 
take on his own account that which Ferdinand had been about to do for 
Spain. The King of England took an active interest in the fitting out of the 
expedition, and furnished not only " certen shippes," but some money, and 
appointed Sir Thomas Perte as Cabot's second in command. 

This expedition sailed from England in 1517; bound, according to some 
authorities, on a trading voyage to the Spanish settlements in the West Indies. 
It is more probable, however, that these writers have confused this with a 
later voyage, and that Cabot was n^w once again in search of the Northwest 
Passage. 

Accounts of the course pursued are considerably' confused, and in the 
absence of any record from Cabot's hand will never be exactly determined. 
We find them at one time off the coast of Labrador; at another, off the coast 
of Florida. Most likely they sailed up and down the coasts of what are now 
Canada and the United States, seeking for some opening which would permit 
them to pass to the Pacific. This was no wild project, according to the be- 
lief of the times ; and, at a later day, the settlers on the Atlantic seaboard 
thought they had but to cross the Alleghanies to view the Pacific. 

They penetrated to the sixty-seventh degree of north latitude, and on this 
third voyage to the coast of North America certainly entered Hudson's Bay, 
giving English names to many a prominent point. But again the creAv, 
wearied by the long voyage, suffering from privations and from the severity 
of the climate, insisted upon returning to England. They asserted that there 
was no Northwest Passage to be found; or at least that Cabot did not know 
where to look for it; and open mutiny was imminent. 

In such a case as this Cabot should have been able to rely upon his officers ; 
the one who stood next to him should have been particularly trustworthy; 
but this was the very one who failed him. Obedient to the leader, the pilots 
tried to convince the crews that the passage certainly existed, and that it 
must be found near where they then were; the sailors refused to listen to 



240 .SEHASTIAN CAHOT, TlIK DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 

their arguments; and Sir Thomas Perte justified them openly for so acting. 

On a modern vessel, Perte would have been punished along with the other 
mutineers ; but not so at the time of which we write. Discipline, as we under- 
stand it, was then a thing unheard of; standing armies and organized naval 
forces were unknown; class distinctions there were, of the broadest kind; 
but of official authority there was very little, especially in a wilderness three 
thousand miles away from the center of government. Cabot could not pro- 
feed against his lieutenant, for Perte was appointed by royal authority; and 
probably possessed influence enough to have ruined Cabot, had he been 
humiliated by him. The commander, then, whose orders were thus defied, 
made the best of it, and put his ships about for home. 

On their return, Cabot was generally commended for the resolution Avhich 
he had shown; while a contemporary writer says of Perte: "His faint heart 
was the cause that the voyage took none effect." But although the blame 
for the failure was thus justly placed, it did not alter the fact that it was a 
failure. The King was busy with other things, and did not choose to turn 
his attention to the projects of a man who had made three voyages and not 
found the Northwest Passage yet. Besides this indifference of the Govern- 
ment, the people had no heart for such enterprises. A terrible plague had 
desolated the country while Cabot had been away, and they had not yet 
recovered their energy and resolution. 

Fortunately for him, however, the affairs of Spain were in a more promis- 
ing condition; and there was a prospect of better things there. When 
Charles V. came toexan\ine into matters, he was surprised to find that Cabot 
had disappeared. He knew something of the estimation in which his grand- 
father had held this Englishman; he knew the jealous and intriguing charac- 
ter of the Spaniards, and he saw that the state records bore witness to his 
faithfulness and services. Anxious to atone for past injustice, Cfiarles seems 
to have sent for Cabot as soon as he returned from the New World. He was 
well received at court, and in 1518 appointed to the high office of Pilot-Major 
of Si)ain. His duties were now immerous and responsible; and for some 
time we find no more expeditions to the West; he had enough to occupy him 
at home. 

But the fever of discovery could not long be repressed, when it had reached 
such heights as it had in the annals of Spain. A vast treasure-house of the 
hiatives had been opened in America by an intrepid Spaniard; it was in a 
tropical climate; all southern lands might yield just such riches; and Spain 
must prosecute her discoveries in the southern hemisphere. " To the South, 
to the South I" exclaims one of the historians of Spanish America; "they 
that seek for riches must not go to the cold and frozen North !" 

The Molucca Islands had long been regarded as the source of much wealth ; 
chiefly, perhaps, because of the spice which was there produced. Cabot, 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 241 

following the lead of popular opinion, or perhaps directing it, advised that 
an expedition should be fitted out to visit the Moluccas, the route chosen be- 
ing by way of the Straits of Magellan, then but recently discovered. But as 
soon as this proposition got wind, the Portuguese Government was up in 
arms. The Molucca Islands belonged to Portugal, being included in that 
portion of the earth which had been assigned to that country by the Pope, 
when the undiscovered countries of the globe were virtually divided by papal 
•authority between Spain and Portugal. 

> Of course, Spain was not ready to allow this claim, and it was finally agreed 
to submit the question to a council of learned navigators and cosmographers, 
to meet at Badajos in 1524. Cabot's name heads the list of those who were 
summoned to this conference, showing in what high esteem he was held. 
The council met in April, and deliberated for more than a month. The de- 
cision, which was rendered the last of May, was to the effect that the islands 
in dispute lay twenty degrees within the line which bounded the Spanish 
dominions. 

The Portuguese envoys were furious at this reversal of their claims, and 
retired, uttering many a threat of maintaining their rights by force of arms. 
These threats we leave unheeded for the present, following more closely the 
actions and fortunes of Cabot. 

A company was at once formed for the prosecution of trade with the Mo- 
luccas, and of this Cabot, with the permission of the Council of the Indies, 
accepted the chief ofiice. He received the title of Captain-General. Three 
ships and one hundred and fifty men were to be provided by the Emperor, 
who was to receive, out of the profits, a certain share, not less than four 
thousand ducats. The company was to supply all funds necessary for trading, 
and Cabot was obliged to give bond for the faithful performance of his duty. 

The Portuguese found that their threats produced no effect whatever upon 
the young Emperor, so they resorted to other tactics. A remonstrance w^as 
made in due form, whereby they showed that an invasion of the Portuguese 
monopoly in trade with the East Indies would be the ruin of the country; and 
that the relationship between them, and the ties of marriage — for the King 
of Portugal had married the Emperor's sister — ought to prevent Charles 
from undertaking anything which would ruin his cousin and brother-in-law. 
The Emperor replied that he could not relinquish, for any such considerations, 
nn enterprise which it was his right to pursue. 

' Threats and remonstrances being alike useless, the King of Portugal re- 
solved to try still other means, and fitted out a squadron of three vessels, 
which he placed under the command of Diego Garcia, and intended especially 
to harass the Spaniards under Cabot. 

Meantime, there was considerable delay in preparing the fleet, which the 
articles of agreement had arranged should sail in August, 1525. Naturally 

IG 



2i2 SKBA8T1AX CAliOT, THK DISCOVERER OF NORTH A.MKHICA, 

enough, Cabot desired to appoint his own chief lieutenant, and nominated 
a trustworthy friend of his to that high office. The other officers of the 
Company, Avho constituted the board of managers, objected to this, and in- 
sisted upon the appointment of Martin Mendez, who had sailed under Magel- 
lan. It is quite possible that Cabot was unjustly prejudiced against this man, 
and that his opposition to his appointment was unreasonable; but in an ex- 
pedition like this there should have been perfect concord between the chief 
officers; Cabot had seen one expedition, of which he was the leader, fail, be- 
cause he had not been upheld by the second in command; and now the most 
that he could hope from a lieutenant appointed against his protest was that 
his orders would not be openly opposed. There could be no real agreement 
between them. 

As if to strengthen the party of Mendez — for parties there must be under 
such circumstances — two brothers, Miguel and Francisco de Rojas, devoted 
followers of Mendez, were attached to the expedition; one of them being 
commander of one of the ships. 

Finally, as if to make Cabot's position as dangerous as possible, without 
openly setting a price upon his head", sealed orders were furnished to the 
captain of each ship, with instructions that they should not be opened until 
they were fairly at sea. In these orders, eleven persons were named, upon 
whom, in order of succession, the command should devolve in case of Cabot's 
death. If all these should die, the leader must be chosen by the general vote ; 
providing, that if there should be a tie, the candidates receiving the highest 
number of votes should cast lots. 

It is doubtful whether Cabot knew what instructions were given until the 
orders were opened at sea. If he did, there is only one consideration that 
can excuse him for sailing under such conditions; he had contended in so 
many instances with the agents of the Company — for his judgment w^as almost 
invariably different from theirs — that he was unwilling to attempt to resist 
this last assertion of their authority, and trusted to his own resolution to pre- 
vail over their arts. 

Outwardly, the course of the expedition seemed to be favored by fortune 
for a long time after setting out. They touched at the Canaries and the Cape 
Verde Islands, both belonging to Portugal; but their intercourse with the 
islanders was as friendly as if perfect concord had existed between the rulers 
of the two nations. Their object was probably to complete the victualling of 
the ships ; and from the Cape Verde Islands, when this had been accomplished, 
they struck boldly across the Atlantic, Cape St. Augustine being their next 
stopping-place. 

But beneath this show of peace rebellion was constantly seething. Dis- 
putes had arisen between some of the sailors before leaving Seville, and 
Mendez and the Rojas began to complain that Cabot did nothing to allay 



.SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 243 

them. It was said by them that the commander had laid in no sufficient 
stock of provisions for so long a voyage, and that they were bound to starve 
before they reached their destination; when this was doubted by some who 
were too well-informed to accept it, the conspirators acknowledged that there 
might be enough provided, but that the greater part of the stores had been 
placed on Cabot's own ship, w^here it could not be reached by those on the 
other vessels. The men were urged to depose a tyrant, and put true men in 
his place. 

There never was a man who had been accustomed to command who was less 
a tyrant than Sebastian Cabot. Those of his companions whose testimony 
has come down to us have spoken of him with sincere affection ; many thing.?, 
show the gentleness of his character; and there are but few instances re- 
corded where he exercised any severity. 

But those who are determined to find fault with the proceedings of any one 
can generally find something on which to base their complaints; and in all 
considerable bodies of men there will be discovered some who are not satis- 
fied with the rule of those in authority. Mendez and his confederates worked 
upon the dislike of those who had been justly punished by Cabot, or who had 
failed to receive from him what they considered was their due. These, 
in turn, influenced others, and at length the plans of revolt were fully 
matured. 

All this was underhand work;" it was not until they had sighted Cape St. 
Augustine, and were coasting southwardly along the shores of Brazil, that 
their criticisms of every order issued by Cabot became openly insolent. 
Should it come to formal rebellion, Cabot did not know on whom he could 
rely; for there were but two Englishmen in all the crews, and every Spaniard 
might be an enemy. 

At every turn he saw lowering countenances, and heard hints of the unde- 
served favor which had raised him, a mere foreign adventurer, to a place 
which rightfully belonged to a Spaniard. He paid no attention to all this, 
until he was ready to act. Then, with that sharp decision which sometimes 
marks the mildest and gentlest character, making no attempt to argue the 
case or to effect a compromise, he ordered Mendez and the two Eojas brothers 
to be seized. The sudden and unexpected orders were obeyed, Francisco de 
Rojas being taken without ceremony from the vessel which he commanded. 
When they had been brought before the commander, he ordered two seamen, 
of whose faithfulness he was well assured — probably those two countrymen 
of his — to enter an open boat with the culprits, and put them ashore at the 
nearest island. He was obeyed without question, and the ships sailed on 
without the three men who were next in command to Cabot. 

The subordinates in the plot, awed by this severe treatment of the ring- 
leaders, cleared the sullen frowns from their faces, and paid such respect as 



244 SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 

they knew how to give to the energetic leader. But the loss of these officers, 
Cabot considered, made such a change in the personnel of the expedition as 
to defeat any plans which the Company might have entertained, of directing 
the course in accordance with the views of all the high officers; he was un- 
willing to take the sole responsibility of prosecuting the original enterprise. 
He accordingly decided to put into the mouth of the Rio de la Plata for a- 
time, and there consider what course should be taken. Perhaps he had some 
idea of sending back for the mutinous officers, or at least of affording them 
an opportunity of rejoining the vessels. 

Just before reaching this point, however, he lost one of his vessels, it 
being wrecked in a storm which the others barely escaped. This left but 
two; and he decided that it would not be well, without more ships, to attempt 
the crossing of the great South Sea. 

He therefore turned his attention to the exploration of the country about 
La Plata. He had been preceded in the office of Pilot-Major by Don Diego 
de Solis, who had come on a voyage of discovery and exploration to this very 
spot. Landing at the mouth of La Plata with a body of fifty men, Solis had 
been attacked by a large band of savages ; many of his men were slain ; the 
others were captured; and the cannibal victors feasted on the bodies of 
those whom they had slain in battle and of the prisoners whom they had put 
to death afterward. 

The vessel under the command of Solis, from the deck of which the rem- 
nant of his force witnessed these horrible proceedings, without the power of 
avenging their comrades, returned to Spain with the account of that tragedy. 
The same man who had acted as pilot to Solis held a similar position on board 
the vessel of Cabot; and thus to these newcomers the scenes of their prede- 
cessors' melancholy fate was pointed out by one who had been an eye- 
witness. 

Just off that point where the city of Buenos Ayres is now situated, lies a 
small island, called San Gabriel; and here Cabot decided to land. Their 
purpose was stubbornly resisted by a considerable body of natives; but the 
Spaniards were equally determined, and finally drove off the savages. A 
suitable place being found for anchoring the ships, Cabot, with most of his 
crew, proceeded in open boats on a voyage of discovery up the river. 

They journeyed something over twenty miles in this manner, before they 
decided to land. They were then at the head of that wide estuary which we 
are accustomed to call the Rio de la Plata, at the mouth of the Parana, and 
nearly opposite the mouth of the Uruguay. They were near an island which 
Cabot called San Salvador, and it was on this that they proposed to land. 

But their progress up the river had been jealously watched by savages, 
half hidden among the trees that clothed the shores of the stream; and when 
these enemies saw that the newcomers w^ere preparing to land, they concen- 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVEKER OF NORTH AMERICA. 



245 



trated their forces iiistantl}', and sent a storm of arrows, from every direction 
upon them. Two of the Spaniards were killed, and the others were glad to 
retreat to their boats. The natives obtained possession of the bodies of the 
slain, but declared to the Spaniards that they did not mean to eat them; the 
flesh of Solis and his tough soldier followers had been enough. 




Voyaging up the River. 

Finding that the island of San Salvador was furnished with an excellent 
harbor, Cabot dropped down stream to his ships, and caused them to ascend 
to the safer and more retired anchorage which he had just found. Leaving 
them there, under the command of Antonio de Grajeda, with a small guard, 
he prepared a caravel and several smaller boats for an ascent of the Parana. 

He found the people living on the banks of this river much less hostile 
than those on the sea-coast, and made friends with many of- them. Notwith- 
standing this, he built a fort, some miles above the mouth of the Parana, 
which he named Sanctus Spiritus. Continuing the ascent from this point, his 
little force, considerably lessened by the fre(iuent deaths Avhich had occurred, 
became discontented; and it was all that he .could do to hold them to his 
purpose. It was his idea that if this river were ascended far enough, it 
would lead him either to the rich silver mines of Potosi or by a new passage 
to the Pacific. The country through which they traveled is descril)edas " very 
fayre and inhabited with intiiiite people." 



24(5 SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 

When they reached the point at which the Parana i-cccivcs tlie waters of 
the Paraguay, the exph)rers did not continue to foHow the nuiin stream, 
which here changes its course entirely, but kept straight on up the Paraguay. 
They found the inhabitants more highly civilized than any they had yet met; 
they Mere industrious tillers of the soil, which they cultivated to advantage; 
and they seemed to have a clear idea of each other's rights; but they were 
bitterly opposed to the invasion of their country by any foreigners; and 
seemed to entertain a particular hatred to the Spaniards and Portuguese. 

Seeing that this was the condition of affairs, Cabot exercised great care to 
prevent a conflict between his followers and the natfves; but care was to be 
rendered ineffectual. Three of the Spaniards left the boats one day, to gather 
the fruit of the palm-trees which hung in tempting profusion almost over 
the water. They were set upon by a considerable party of the natives; and 
being taken by surprise, and greatly outnumbered, were easily captured. 

The fiery Spaniards were determined to revenge themselves on the Indians 
for having thus captured their comrades; and Cabot at once became a mili- 
tary commander. What disposition was made of his small force we do not 
know; but he was ably seconded in his efforts by the hardy courage of his 
men, who were burning to fight w^ith the captors of their friends; and who 
were so accustomed by their profession to hardships that they scarcely regarded 
the dangers which they must now face. Ignorant of the country and mode 
of warfare practiced by their enemies, they fought with desperation. 

The conflict lasted for the greater part of a day; and the slaughter was 
something terrible. Twenty-five white men and more than three hundred 
Indians fell before the dusky foe could be driven from the banks of the 
river. At last, however, as night fell, the wdiites saw that their valor had 
won the day; the enemy had retreated, leaving them in possession of the 
river which had been the field of battle. 

Cabot at once dispatched a messenger to the commander of Fort Sanctus 
Spiritus, giving an account of the battle and a record of the men whom he 
had lost, together Avith an estimate of the enemy's loss. It was a severe blow 
to him; for not only was his force materially weakened by the death of so 
many men, but the spirits of the survivors were unfavorably affected. He 
had had considerable difficulty in keeping them to his purpose thus far; he 
had been obliged to holdout before them, constantly, the prospects of enor- 
mous wealth, to be acquired when they should reach the silver mines of 
Potosi; but now, when they had come so many miles, and had seen so many 
of their comrades slain before .their eyes, and had no assurance that other 
hostile hordes of natives did not await their coming along the whole route to 
the mines, they felt their courage and desire for wealth vanishing together. 
Such was the condition of affairs when the sailors received a support, unex- 
pected equally by themselves and by their commander. 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NOKTH AMERICA. 247 

In order to understand what this support was, we must return for a little 
while to the fort at Sanctus Spiritus, where the messenger with the news of 
the battle had just arriv^ed. Scarcely had Cabot's letter been delivered to 
Grajeda, when a party was seen coining up La Plata. With his mind full of 
the misfortune which had already happened, and dreading worse things to 
come, Grajeda hastily concluded that the mutinous officers had escaped from 
their lonely island by the aid of some passing vessel, and had, by their false 
representations, secured the sympathy and assistance of its commander and 
crew. But it was another enemy than Mendez. 

We have seen, some pages back, that the Portuguese envoys to the con- 
ference atBadajos were furious Avhen that convocation of learned geographers 
and map-drawers decided that the Molucca Islands were within the meridian 
that bounded Spanish possessions. They uttered many a savage threat, which 
were all disregarded by the triumphant Spaniards. Even if any danger had 
been anticipated from them, all fears were allayed wdien the King of Portu- 
gal sought to obtain, by remonstrance with the Emperor, that which it had 
been decided did not belong to him of right. But when this had failed, then 
the threats, considered as empty and idle by the Spaniards, were put into ex- 
ecution; and three ships were secretly prepared to embarrass Cabot's move- 
ments. The command of this squadron was placed in the hands of Diego 
Garcia. 

Garcia sailed in 1526, following Cabot's track very closely, to the Canaries, 
the Cape Verde Islands, and the coast of Brazil. Along this coast he seems 
confidently to have expected to come up with the Spanish expedition, and 
entered all the considerable indentations in search of the vessels. Entering 
La Plata, he ascended the river; and it was he whom Grajeda supposed to be 
Mendez. 

The newcomer was somewhat surprised to be met by several armed boats, 
led by Grajeda in person. At first, he was inclined to allow Grajeda to believe 
that he was a commander who had taken up the cause of Mendez and the 
Rojas; but findingthat Grajeda was determined to do battle with such a per- 
son, acknowledged that he was the leader of a Portuguese fleet; and peace 
was established between the two. 

Garcia had allowed one of his vessels to engage in the slave trade; and this, 
laden heavily with its human chattels, he ordered to return home; while the 
others, manned by desperate, resolute men, he caused to anchor in the harbor 
of San Salvador. 

Leaving his ships and a part of the crews there, Garcia manned two brigan- 
tines with sixty men, and ascended the river, still on Cabot's track. He landed 
at the fort called Sanctus Spiritus, where Gregorio Caro had been placed in 
command of the small garrison; and summoned him to surrender. 

" Although ready to serve my guest in every possible way," was the very 



248 8EBAST1AX CAHOT, TllK i)lS( OVKKER OF NORTH AMERICA. 

polite answer, " I shall continue to hold command of the Fort Sanctus Spir- 
itus in the name of Seuor Cabota and his master and mine, the most gracious 
Emperor." 

Whether Caro fully understood that Garcia "was indeed demanding a sur- 
render, he kept possession of the fort, as he said that he would, pud managed 
to be on good terms with the Portuguese. Perhapsthey admired his courtesy 
in unfavorable circumstances too much to use any impolite methods, such as 
would have been necessary in attacking the fort; more probably, Garcia 
smiled contemptuously at the answer, and decided that it was not Avorth while 
to assault a fort commanded by such a man. 

Caro seems to have been wholly in the dark as to the character and inten- 
tions of the newcomers; for he asked, as a favor, that Garcia would liberate 
any of Cabot's party who might have fallen into the hands of the natives: 
binding himself to repay faithfully whatever Garcia might have to pay as ran- 
som for such persons; and finally begged that he would befriend the follow- 
ers of Cabot, should they, in any battle occurring after that of which he had 
received news, have lost their commander. 

Arrived at the point where the city of Corrientes is now situated, Garcia 
seems to have been in doubt what course to pursue. According to what he 
had learned from Caro, Cabot had followed the river which came from a 
northerly direction ; but the Parana was so evidently the main stream, that 
for some distance he followed that, believing that Caro must have mistaken 
the course pursued, or perhaps been misled by Cabot. But he soon learned 
that Caro's information was correct, and, returning to the junction of the 
rivers, ascended the Paraguay. 

Cabot's force was still stationed at the point where the battle had taken 
place; for there were some who had been wounded in the fight whom it was 
judged best not to move until their injuries should be partly cured. We can- 
not suppose that the meeting was marked with very much friendliness on 
either side; but there were no open hostilities. Garcia, however, remarked 
the weakness of Cabot's force, lessened as it was by death, and rendered un- 
available by M'ounds and fatigue. He demanded that Cabot should surrender 
at once to him ; basing his demands on the fact that Brazil, having been dis- 
covered by a subject of Portugal, belonged to that country; and at that time, 
the name of Brazil was applied to almost the whole coast of South America. 

Cabot steadily resisted this demand; but knew that he had not force suf- 
ficient to defy the arrogant subject of Portugal. He therefore put him off 
as best he could ; probably with a promise to refer the whole matter to Europe 
for decision, and the united force returned to Sanctus Spiritus. 

Garcia, having stationed a considerable body of his followers here and at 
San Salvador, set sail at once. Cabot, convinced that he had gone to Europe 
to make as much mischief as possible, and fearing that he would circulate, 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THE DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMERICA. 249 

even in Spain, reports which would be injurious to him, resolved to send 
messengers at once, to lay the true state of affairs before the Emperor. They 
were to inform the sovereign of the treatment which had been accorded to 
the mutinous officers, of the changes of destination and the reasons for mak- 
ing such a change, and of the particulars of the ascent of the river. Francis 
Calderon and George Barlow were chosen as the messengers; their report is 
still in existence among the archives of Spain. 

Cabot defended his change of destination, not only by the necessity of the 
case, but by the chiim that he expected from this route fully as much gain 
as if he had pursued that originally marked out. He had found, on the banks 
of La Plata, many natives wearing ornaments of gold and silver; and, mak- 
ing friends with them, "he came to learn many secrets of the country." 
One of these secrets was the intelligence of the route to the rich silver mines 
of the interior; and he hoped to secure enough treasure there to repay the 
generosity of the Emperor, and enrich all those who had taken part in the 
expedition. 

He remained at the fort, awaiting the result of his application for provis- 
ion, ammunition, goods for trading with the natives, and a larger force of 
soldiers and seamen, all of which would be necessary for the prosecution of 
the enterprise. 

Whatever Garcia might have done, or tried to do, he had certainly notsuc- 
ceeded in poisoning the mind of the Emperor toward Cabot; for the envoys 
of the Pilot-Major found the monarch most favorably disposed when they laid 
their leader's requests before him. The Company, on the other hand, thought 
Cabot demanded too much, and decided to allow their rights in the matter to 
pass to the Crown. ' Charles V. willingly accepted the surrender, and prom- 
ised to be personally responsible for the enterprise. 

But he w^as carrying on a war with his neighbor, the King of France; and 
wars are expensive luxuries. His soldiers were clamoring for their pay, and, 
being mercenaries, threatened to desert his standard if they did not receive 
it; the Moluccas had been mortgaged, and the Cortes, the Spanish parliament, 
refused to raise any more money by taxes. Under such circumstances, 
Charles, however willing he might be to assist Cabot, was unable to do so. 

Besides, just at this time, a more flattering offer than that of Cabot's had 
been made to the Emperor. Pizarro had offered to equip an expedition, at 
his own expense, for the reduction of Peru, and promised to resign all con- 
quests to the Crown. The entire and exclusive range of the coasts of Peru 
was granted to him; and the promises which the Emperor had made when 
Cabot's messengers first applied to him were set aside, never to be fulfilled. 

Meanwhile, Cabot was awaiting their return very anxiously, at his lonely 
post in the New World. But he was not idle ; that would have been a certain 
means of inviting mutiny and dissatisfaction among his men. He employed 



250 



SEBASTIAN CABOT, THK DISCOVERER Or NORTH AMKRU A. 



his time and theirs in making short excursions a]>out the forts, until the 
whole neighborhood of the river had been thoroughly explored. He employed 
them in close observations of the products of the country; so that when they 
were thrown upon their own resources for the means of obtaining food — foi- 
no supplies came from Si)ain — they were not altogether helpless. Often but 
one or two were left in charge of the ship, while the others penetrated far 
into the interior, depending upon their tents or the huts of some friendly 
natives for shelter by night. 




Great Ship of Henry the Eighth. 

Cabot's men seem by this time to have given up the idea of returning to 
their own country, which is always the first wish of dissatisfied wanderers; 
and were only anxious to penetrate to that rich country which was to afford 
such an ample reward for all the labors and dangers which had beset them 
since they left Spain. It was with no small ditficulty that he held them in 
check until he should learn the pleasure of the Emperor; and the delay was 
as distasteful to him as it was to them. 



SKBASTIAN CABOT, THE DlSCOVEKKR OF NOHTll AMKKICA. 251 

While they were thus engaged iu exploring, observing, and cementing 
friendly treaties with the natives, the men whom Garcia had left were bring- 
ing misfortune upon themselves and the Spaniards on whom they were quar- 
tered. They had many disputes with the natives, until the patience of the 
Indians was quite worn out. At last the crisis came. A more bitter dis- 
agreement than usual so enraged the savages that they swore to take vengeance 
for what they had suffered at the hands of Garcia's men ; and, in order that 
not one guilty man should escape, they vowed to destroy every one of the 
whites. They had entered into a treaty of peace with Cabot; but they did 
not understand the difference of nationality; and they considered that he 
must be, after all, responsible for the actions of all white men at the forts. 
They considered him a traitor to the treaty, and resolved to act accordingly. 

Theirplans were carefully laid, and warriors from a number of different 
tribes were secretly assembled. One morning before day-break they stormed 
Fort Sanctus Spiritus. The surprise was complete; the inmates were hardly 
awake before the savages were in possession of the stronghold; and the vic- 
tors marched against the fort at San Salvador. 

Here, however, the garrison was more on the alert, warned by the fate of 
their comrades farther up the river. They held the enemy at bay until the 
commander could have his one large ship prepared to receive the remnant of 
his forces; the others, caravel and brigantines, must be left behind. All the 
available stores were put on board, and the reduced force embarked, driven 
from America by a tribe of enraged natives. They arrived in Spain, 1531, 
after an absence of five years. 

Authorities differ as to the reception with which Cabot met; some declaring 
that it was entirely satisfactory, others saying that he met with coldness and 
ill-nature. Perhaps both are, in some degree, true ; he Avas probably received 
with reproaches by the merchants whose hopes he had disappointed, and with 
kindness by the Emperor who had always entertained respect for him, and 
who never lost that feeling. 

There was some inclination, among the Spaniards in general, to blame 
Cabot for the treatment which Mendez and his two confederates had received 
at his hands; but Cabot had so united the sailors and soldiers to him by his 
course at La Plata, and had shown his admirable character so clearly there, 
that there was nothing to be said against him in their presence; while his 
large-minded admiration of Columbus, and perfect freedom from jealousy of 
that great navigator, made him many friends; for the Spaniards had out- 
grown, in the years since the death of the Admiral of the Indies, all narrow 
jealousies, and had exalted him to the place of a national hero. Cabot did not 
hesitate to declare the exploits of Columbus to have been " more divine than 
human," and was respected accordingly. 

Cabot resumed the office of Pilot-Major, which hecontinued to fill for some 



252 SEBASTIAN CAliOT, THE DISCOVEUEK OF NOKTU AMERICA. 

years, giving general satisfaction, and respected as the first navigator of the 
age, la Hakluyt's voyages is quoted the opinion of a gentleman who had 
asked for some information on matters relating to the sea,, and was referred 
to the Pilot-Major; and this quotation we here reproduce: — 

"It was tolde mee that there was in the city a valiant man, a Venetian 
born, named Sebastian Cabot, who had charge of the navigations of the 
Spaniards, being an expert man in that science, and one that could make 
cardes [charts] for the sea with hisowne hand, and by this report, seeking his 
acquaintance, I found him a very gentle and courteous person, who enter- 
tained mee friendly, and shewed mee many things, and among other a large 
mappe of the world, with certaine particuler navigations, as well of the 
Portugals as of the Spaniards, and he spake further unto me to this effect." 

Another contemporary says of him : — 

"He is so valiant a man, and so w^ell practised in all things pertaining to 
navigations, and the science of cosmographie, that at this present he hath not 
his like in all Spaine," 

While holding this office, he frequently went as chief of small naval expe- 
ditions of comparatively short extent; but nothing new, of suflicient magni- 
tude to be here set down, was undertaken. These voyages served only to 
keep public interest alive; they cannot be reckoned as promoters of discovery. 
Cabot thus wrote of them, in a letter dated several years after: — 

"After this I made many other voyages, which I now pretermit, and, wax- 
ing old, I give myself to rest from such travels, because there are now many 
young and lusty pilots and mariners of good experience, by whose forward- 
ness I do rejoice in the fruit of my labors, and rest with the charge of this 
office, as 3'ou see." 

For seventeen years did he " rest with the charge of this ofiice," content, 
to all appearance, so to spend the remainder of his days. But, as he passed 
the limit of three-score and ten, there came upon him a longing for his 
native land. Perhaps the fact that Henry VIII. was no longer King had 
something to do with it; for Cabot's patience must have been tried by the 
manner in which the King took up the subject of maritime enterprise, and 
then cast it entirely aside. This was in the youth of " bluff King Hal," and 
his later years did not show even so much interest in the subject, absorbed as 
he was in maintaining himself and the English Church against the Pope and 
Luther, and given to sensual self-indulgence. He died in 1547, and was suc- 
ceeded by his son, Edward VI., a mere child. From the nobles in charge of 
the Government Cabot expected recognition. Young as he was, the royal 
child had shown signs of interest in naval affairs, and knew all the ports and 
harbors of his own dominions, as well as those of France and Scotland. To 
the country ruled by such a King, the greatest of living navigators, himself a 
native of that country, was naturally attracted. 



SEBASTIAN, CABOT, THE DISCOVIORER OF NORTH AMERICA. 258 

Resigning his high office, he returned to Enghmd in 1548. But scarcely 
had he left Spain before the Emperor discovered that it had been a mistake 
to allow him to go. A formal demand was accordingly made, that " Sebastian 
Cabote, Grand Pilot of the Emperor's Indies, then in England, might be sent 
over to Spain, as a very necessary man for the Emperor, whose servant he 
was, and had a pension of him." This wording would seem to imply that , 
Cabot had tendered no formal resignation, and taken no formal leave of his 
patron and friends. It is not improbable, however, that the resignation was 
ignored on this occasion, and that permission had been given him to journey 
to England, before the Emperor concluded that the Grand Pilot of the Indies 
was " a necessary man" to him. 

Although he was seventy-three or seventy-four years old at the time of his 
return to England, Cabot does not seem to have gone there simply to end his 
days in his native land; there was much good work in the old man yet; it 
seemed that he had found that fountain of youth which Ponce de Leon had 
vainly sought in the New World; and whether it was from any definite un- 
derstanding that he would accept a commission under Edward VI., or whether 
it was merely from a general expectation that he, an Englishman, would 
serve the King of England when his services were required, certain it is that 
the rninisters of the young King refused the demand of the Emperor; and 
Cabot received, shortly after his arrival, the appointment to an office, then 
first created, of Grand Pilot of England. The similarity of this title to that 
which he had borne in Spain gives rise to the suspicion that the office was 
created especially to win him from the Emperor's service, by showing him 
that England was ready to give him honors as great as Spain had offered him. 
At the same time, a patent was issued, granting "our beloved servant, 
Sebastian Cabota," an annual pension of one hundred and sixty-six pounds, 
thirteen shillings and four pence, to be paid quarterly. If we accept the 
calculation of Irving, that money was then worth about three times as much 
as at the present day, this was equivalent to two thousand five hundred dollars 
per year of United States money. 

The title being given, and the salary attaching to the office fixed, it remains 
to ascertain the duties. But this is a matter of more difficulty. On ont5 
occasion, according to the records, a French pilot, who had made eighteen 
voyages to the coast of Brazil, relating his experiences to Sir John Yorke, 
"before Sebastian Cabote," which seems to imply that it was his business to 
ascertain all that had been accomplished by the discoverers and explorers of 
the different nations, and perhaps to combine the information so obtained in 
the form of charts, for the guidance of future expeditions. 

It was during this period of honored repose — for his duties could not have 
been very exacting — that Cabot, for the first time in his long and busy life, 
found time to elaborate a theory which had occurred to him while still a very 



254 



SEHAiSTIAN CAROT, TMK DISCOVERER OF NORTH AMJ^RICA. 



young num. During his tiist voyuge to the west, he had noticed, us Columbus 
and all following navigators have noticed, the variation of the magnetic 
needle. AVe know now that the magnetic pole, to which the needle points, is 
at some distance from the astronomical pole of the earth, and, consequently, 
that the compass may sometimes point in a different direction from due 




Sebastian Cabot and the Cosmographkrs. 
north. But this was not dreamed of in the; fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; 
and many of the most eminent navigators of the day puzzled their brains in 
vain to lind a solution of the difficulty. Cabot had noted the fact as a youth 
of twenty; and after the lapse of more than fifty years he had not found an 
explanation. 



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